Eine ewige Narbe: Eine Geschichte (German Edition)

German Images of the Self and the Other
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Live In Hamburg Album 4 versions. Onkelz Wie Wir Album 3 versions. Memento Album 3 versions. By choosing these foci the studies usually neglect to make a connection between German Jewry and German-Israeli relations. Both, however ignore the presence, struggle and influence of German Jews in the early post-war decades. Weiss argues that only the reparations enabled a dialogue between Germany and Israel.

How that simultaneously enabled a German-Jewish dialogue within West Germany and to what extent the Luxembourg Agreement owed its existence to the influence of German Jewish figures remains unnoticed. Similarly, Bar-Or argues that the Holocaust was not a prime topic in either country and that the signing of the Luxembourg Agreement was mainly based on economic and political factors, therefore ignoring German Jewish aspirations and reconciliation efforts completely.

Postwar German Jewry found itself in a highly complex situation. Henceforth Hindenburg, Demonstrating Reconciliation. Jelinek ed. Henceforth Jelinek, Zwischen Moral und Realpolitik. Schoeps ed. Henceforth Wolffsohn, Ewige Schuld?

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They were rebuilding their lives in a country which was in the process of rebuilding itself, and victimhood was often claimed by the majority of the non-Jewish German population. In addition, the Jewish community itself was highly heterogenous but surprisingly soon a leadership and organizational structure was established by native German Jews.

This elite sought to deal with the most pressing issue of rebuilding Jewish life in Germany while speaking out openly against antisemitic resurgences and working towards moral and material reparations.

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German Jewry regarded itself as the link between Germany and world Jewry and sought to influence both towards reconciliation. To what extent this was successful and what it meant for German-Israeli relations and German Jewry itself will be discussed in this study. A press analysis of the main weekly publications of the years to provides here insight into German Jewish attitudes, desires and agendas and allows us to compare them with non-Jewish German ones.

In order to examine the Jewish and non-Jewish discourses in regard to these events, this study is based on articles of the Spiegel and the Allgemeine Wochenzeitung der Juden in Deutschland Allgemeine , cabinet meeting minutes, as well as biographies of journalists, politicians and public figures.

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Cornicelius, and consists of two subjects of five hours a week each, — one for beginners in Ger- man the other for advanced students. Hoffm[an] allemalil auf Ersuchen, mit Abhandlung- theologisclier Materien vorgestandeii, bald in Tozvamensen bald in Shippach ; Er ist bey Veranderung des Calenders da die neue Zeit angenohmen, auf den Equally pathetic are the songs that sing of widowhood. Once he wrote a chilling reply to those who dismissed him in this way: "I don t think it matters much, all this calling a man a muddler, a groper, etc. Das erste Auftreten ist erst seine Unmittelbarkeit oder sein Begriff. Meine Mintusche ist unter meinem Fenster von Reckes Hunden zerrissen worden, und was mir am wehesten tut, Recke selbst hetzte dies arme Tier!

Especially since German reunification much research has been done about German-Israeli relations in general and press analyses in regard to this topic in particular. These studies, however, often focus on the Arab-Israeli conflict or anti-Semitism debates in Germany. Michael Broening, Wie jedes andere Land Muenster, Lit Verlag, Press articles provide us with a snap-shot of opinion, written at a time at which the outcome of developments was still unknown.

Later studies, therefore, are necessarily influenced by the advantage of combining several aspects and strands unknown to the journalist at that time. A press analysis, therefore, gives interesting insight into assumptions, expectations and opinions of journalists which sometimes were only reluctantly adapted to changing realities. The choice of topics and the commentaries on issues reveal that journalism is not a pure portrayal of facts. An agenda is always present, and personal and public opinions are better examined than this would be possible in a study based on official documents and records only.

Especially when discussing the events surrounding the Luxembourg Agreement and the establishment of diplomatic relations between Germany and Israel it is necessary to include these opinions since most scholars argue that these milestones in German-Israeli relations occurred due to external influences and world politics. Through the work of its editor, Karl Marx, and its wide publication the Allgemeine shaped how the German non-Jewish society regarded the German Jewish community.

Karl Marx had intensive contacts with leading German politicians, not at least to secure a voice for the minuscule German Jewish community. Interestingly enough, representation of the Jews in Germany by the Allgemeine was almost exclusively limited to German Jews. DPs only seldom found mentioning. This Alleinvertretungsanspruch is comprehensible since German Jews sought to reestablish the lives which were interrupted or destroyed twelve years earlier and regarded the DPs as merely transient.

The Allgemeine's successes on a domestic level cannot be underestimated. It shaped the reemerging German Jewish community, provided organization and furthered mutual understandings between Jews and non-Jews. Especially the fact that it also gave voice to non-Jewish authors and co-editors showed many Jews that reconciliation was possible. A comparison with the Spiegel about the coverage of the Luxembourg Agreement and the establishment of diplomatic relations between Israel and Germany is especially interesting since it reveals the differences between the most important Jewish and the most important non-Jewish German publication of that time.

Both magazines had completely different agendas and modus operandi but were often read by the same people, especially in political circles. Analysis of the Spiegel's coverage about Jewish and Israeli topics offers insight into debates within German non- Jewish society and accentuates the Allgemeine's main agenda. Similarities are hardly found within these two publications. The Spiegel seeks to appear neutral and rational in tone while the Allgemeine openly argues with emotional and personal involvement. German-Israeli and German- Jewish topics are not at the core of the Spiegel's agenda and coverage.

Commentaries about Jewish and Israeli topics are less than few, and only sporadic coverage about progresses and reports about Jews in Germany appear to widen the support for reparations and further reconciliation.

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The Allgemeine in contrast, only covers Jewish and German-Israeli topics and refrains from any coverage about German affairs unrelated to Israel or the German Jewish community. In retrospect these were the most significant events in German-Israeli and German-Jewish relations. Interestingly, Karl Marx argued already in 'We are witness of an historical event which significance cannot be underestimated'16 and: 'Something great for the peace among the nations has happened, a proof that differences between nations can be overcome through peaceful and good-hearted negotiations. Henceforth Allgemeine.

In Chapter I, the composition and situation of Jews in Germany in the immediate postwar era are outlined and connections drawn to the later importance of the Allgemeine and Karl Marx which are in detail discussed in chapter II. In order to understand the significance of the Allgemeine and the personal role of Karl Marx a brief historic outline is given here. A brief historical overview of the Spiegel's origins as well as its significance for this study are combined with an analysis of the Spiegel's and the Allgemeine's coverage about Israel in these early years.

The chapter concludes with introducing Karl Marx's and the Allgemeine's influence on German-Israeli relations and highlights the significance of Marx's interview with Adenauer in Chapter IV provides a short chronological account of the developments leading to the Luxembourg Agreement and analyses in detail the Spiegel's and the Allgemeine's press coverage in regard to this event.

Finally, a detailed analysis of the Spiegel's and the Allgemeine's coverage about the surprising developments leading to the establishment of diplomatic relations between Germany and Israel concludes this study in chapter VI. Mixed Marriages, Survivors, DPs and Returnees The situation of Jews in Germany in the immediate postwar period was a highly complex and almost ironic one.

Those German Jews who had survived the Nazi terror in their home country found themselves outnumbered by East European survivors of the Holocaust who sought refuge in the displaced persons' camps in the land of the former perpetrators. These DPs, due to their high number, demanded immediate attention from the occupying powers, and later from the emerging German regional states and the new federal government. Issues of housing, food, welfare and the future of Eastern European Jewish survivors, therefore, became the foci of the international Jewish and domestic non-Jewish community.

Most German Jews had survived the Holocaust thanks to the help of their non-Jewish spouses or neighbours. They were widely ignored or even condemned by world Jewry and the emerging state of Israel if they chose to stay in Germany. Exact numbers of German Jews in the immediate postwar time are for several reasons difficult to obtain.

On the one hand, scholarship and research of that era mainly focuses on the fate of the DPs for they seemed to have had a stronger impact on world politics and Jewish life in early West Germany. Many individuals persecuted by the Nazis as Jews were not Glaubensjuden or regarded themselves as Jews, and did not affiliate themselves with congregations after the war. In addition, the vast majority of German Jews who had survived the Third Reich did so 'due to their estrangement from Judaism' The initial members of the Jewish congregation in Frankfurt had 'almost all non-Jewish spouses, baptized children, and about the half were half-Jews who had converted to Christianity before the war' Due to their 'privileged status'20 they had managed to survive the war and after the war were often in the position to return to former professions and societal status.

Henceforth Rapaport, Jews in Germany after the Holocaust. In the camps in Poland German equalled Nazi but in Berlin, Frankfurt or Hamburg German often equalled saviour and confidant detached from the cruel Nazi regime. For these reasons, in addition to linguistic, professional and cultural ones, many German Jews chose to remain or to return to Germany after the war. A similar discrepancy can be observed in regard to non-Jewish German attitudes towards Jews. Anti-Semitism did not experience an abrupt end after the war.

Although 'the Jewish presence in German everyday life, in economy, culture and in neighbourly relations had been already erased for ten years'21, antisemitic attacks were predominantly directed towards DPs and not against 'good German Jews' However, the fate of the DPs dominated the public discourse in the first years after the war and German Jews found themselves in a constant struggle for recognition — abroad and within Germany.

Against all odds they managed to establish the foundations on which contemporary German Jewish institutions are based. The situation for DPs and German Jews was completely different. And I argue that it is even possible to discuss their respective histories without mentioning the other group. Most scholars would argue against this, saying that a discussion of Jews in postwar Germany must include the DPs — on the other hand they often exclude German Jews in their research about DPs.

Nevertheless, the official representation of the Jewish community in Germany and the reorganization of the institutional structure was lead mostly by German Jewish men. Walter Laqueur explains this phenomenon in his book Generation Exodus in simple terms: 'As Germans by birth, with German as their native language, they could negotiate with the German authorities with greater authority than the new arrivals.

Michael Bodemann ed. Henceforth Bodemann, Jews, Germans, Memory. Tauris, , p. Henceforth Laqueur, Generation Exodus. The native German Jews were simply the only group with a real interest in establishing, recreating and rebuilding Jewish life in Germany. The DPs found themselves in country not of their choice, waiting for international politics to decide about their fate.

In a transient state without any previous relations to Germany — except to the horrors of the Nazi regime — DPs obviously had no interest in establishing, let alone recreating Jewish institutions on German soil. While not representing all Jews in Germany at that time the leaders of the newly emerging Jewish institutional framework did represent those Jews who chose to stay voluntarily in Germany and sought to rebuild what had been destroyed before.

In addition to those Jews who had survived the war in Germany the Jewish German community grew decisively — in numbers and in intellect — due to a constant influx of returnees. Numbers are again difficult to obtain and scholars disagree about them. He regards the significance of returnees as almost negligible, and argues that between and only a few returnees arrived in Berlin. Brenner based his research on the Verzeichnis der nach der Befreiung durch die Alliierten in Berlin Befreiten but fails to keep in mind one of the strongest characteristics of German Jewry.

Most Jewish returnees simply did not regard themselves as Jewish and therefore did not register as such. When 25 Bodemann, Jews, Germans, Memory, p. Henceforth Brenner, After the Holocaust. Theodor W. Economic hardship and the impossibility to adapt to a different climate brought many back to their former German homes.

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Ironically, less famous returnees laid the foundations for the reemerging German Jewish community. Both Van Dam and Marx openly stated that their main motives for returning to Germany after the war were to take an active role in the re-democratization of the country and to provide immediate help for those German Jews still in Germany. Van Dam, a lawyer from Berlin, was not able to work in his profession under Nazi rule and emigrated to England in where he was interned as an alien enemy during the war. In , Van Dam became for the short period before his death the editor of the Allgemeine.

Henceforth Munzinger Archive. This was the result of a natural development. The issues driving the Allgemeine's agenda during the first two decades after the war were solved and the German Jewish community finally felt at home and recognized by world Jewry and Israel. While trying to defend their position in Germany to world Jewry and Israel, German Jews also struggled for domestic reparation agreements, fought against anti-Semitism, and sought to build bridges between Israel, world Jewry and Germany. The ZR was only after a long period 'recognized by Jewish organizations abroad' 31 and the German Jewish community found itself under constant attacks for having remained in or returned to Germany.

Unsurprisingly German-Israeli reconciliation, therefore, was the prime goal of German Jews. With the Luxembourg Agreement a quasi recognition of Germany — and simultaneously of German Jewry — and with the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries a de facto recognition was achieved.

This paper argues that the Allgemeine in particular had an immense influence and impact on these processes which ultimately let to the close ties Germany and Israel enjoy today. Most scholars explain the developments in German-Israeli relations influenced and guided by international politics, economic factors and West Germany's Deutschlandpolitik. In fact, the Allgemeine's real influence is difficult to measure. No polls or statistics are available and no survey was done at the time asking German, Israeli or international politicians about their specific opinions towards German Jewry or the Allgemeine.

Nevertheless, several factors proof that the Allgemeine had a strong impact on German, Israeli and international politicians. With a weekly circulation of about 31 Laqueur, Generation Exodus, p. That non-Jewish Germans who were not involved in politics, businesses or journalism read the Allgemeine is highly unlikely. Since the Allgemeine's coverage was solely focused on topics either concerning German Jewry or German- Israeli relations the wider non-Jewish German public certainly found no interest in this publication. In contrast, German politicians, as well as Israeli and international leaders observed the Allgemeine's coverage attentively.

The public voice of German Jewry served as a radar and compass showing the democratization processes and attitudes within Germany in regard to Jewish issues. German politicians — although aware of German Jewry's precarious situation in regard to world Jewry — ascribed Karl Marx and the ZR here an important role in influencing international and domestic Jewish opinion.

In addition, while openly attacking and condemning the German Jewry's choice to stay in Germany, world Jewry and Israeli politicians utilized the Allgemeine as a good and reliable source portraying Germany's attitudes towards Israel and Jews in general. The success and important role the Allgemeine played in this triangular relationship is completely owed to the personal efforts of Van Dam and Marx. Mainly Marx can be credited in pushing German-Israeli relations repeatedly to the next level and constantly maintaining the issue within the sphere of public discourse.

So who was Marx, what motivated him and how did he succeed to create a weekly magazine with such an important role? The contacts and friends he made during these years proved to be useful after the Holocaust. Marx left Germany in March , first for Italy and then to England where he met his future wife Lilly who took over the Allgemeine after Marx's death in In he arrived in Germany as one of the first Jewish returnees to help in the recreation of Jewish life and provide immediate help and advice to the survivors. On April 15, he founded the Juedisches Gemeindeblatt fuer die britische Zone and immediately spoke out against collective guilt and for German-Jewish reconciliation.

Often behind the scenes of official politics and diplomacy Marx constantly worked towards the improvement of German-Israeli relations and can be credited with being the one who opened a new chapter in German-Israeli relations. In October , he interviewed Konrad Adenauer about possible reparation payments to Israel and laid the 'basis for all future negotiations' Throughout his later life Marx repeatedly travelled to Israel to promote reconciliation there, and made use of personal contacts with Theodor Heuss and Kurt Schumacher. When the negotiations during the Haager Conference leading to the Luxembourg Agreement in became difficult, Marx employed a moderating influence, published clear opinions in his paper and gave advice to officials.

Marx's relations with Israel, however, were more complicated and overshadowed by disappointment. Under constant attacks by world Jewry and Israel, Marx published an open letter in declaring that German Jewry is a part of the Jewish people, tied to Israel 'and that even impertinent accusations by Jewish organizations and individuals from abroad will not change that' On the occasion of the seventh anniversary of the Allgemeine he repeatedly stated the local Jewish community's 'right to determine for themselves where to live' This was a remarkable transition 'from an outspoken Zionist to an emphatic advocate of German Jewry in the Federal Republic' Marx realized that his goal of Israel's acceptance of a Jewish presence in Germany can only be sanctified by the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries.

His main task was now to work towards German-Israeli reconciliation. Published in English, Marx understood how to use his prominence among world Jewry and in Israel. The small paperback publication, a collection of 27 letters written by Jewish German survivors had an introduction by Marx himself.

On several pages Marx praises the developments and the progresses since the end of the war: It is really only 15 years ago since those days, or was it generations? Children would not believe modern streets were ruins. Colonial powers at last have given many peoples their freedom. And Israel, which was reborn 12 years ago, has proved that this [rebuilding, absorbing immigrants and increasing the standard of living for the masses] is possible. Henceforth Marx, Fifteen Years Afterward. In A Monument for the non-Jewish Husband, a Jewish women writes about her protestant spouse, how he defended her against the Nazis, hid her on a farm and was finally arrested but survived the war.

In addition she praises the farmers who put themselves in danger for hiding her and emphasises how nice and warm they acted towards her. All letters in Marx's publication had a similar content and the same purpose — to show world Jewry that good Germans existed. The letters reported about Germans who opposed the regime, friendships between Germans and Jews and had titles like Loyalty, They risked their lives or more specific Department Manager Helped. Seemingly a small contribution towards reconciliation. But by the time this publication was advertised in the Allgemeine, the initially local paper of the British Zone had grown into the only nationwide Jewish weekly of Germany with an increasing international readership.

The person Karl Marx and the publication Allgemeine cannot be discussed separately. Marx established the paper, and through his prominence the paper gained widespread support and recognition. Despite its low circulation in the first years, Bonn 'always took note of what was written in this paper' The state of German-Jewish relations was regarded as the 'litmustest' 44 for German democracy — domestically and abroad. Therefore the Allgemeine's coverage about Jewish issues in Germany received a disproportionally high interest among politicians.

The paper still exists today, but not only the name has changed throughout the decades since , the agenda and contents shifted as well from a highly political magazine under Marx's leadership to a mere community newsletter in contemporary times. Nevertheless, it holds a Sonderrolle within the German-Jewish press. Established to provide initial emergency support for the Jewish survivors in Germany, Frey focused on judicial and tax issues, as well as questions of reparations and community lists.

Renamed in in Allgemeine Wochenzeitung der Juden in Deutschland, the paper now addressed all Jews in Germany and informed them about the developments in the Einheitsgemeinden, domestic and international reparations of Germany, Nazi trials and Israel. But in contrast to Der Weg Berlin , Neue Welt Munich and Juedische Rundschau Hamburg , the Allgemeine 'did not disappear from the German journalistic scene […] but rather secured a firm position there' After Marx bought Der Weg in and combined it with the Allgemeine a weekly circulation of 34, copies was achieved — for the first time a German Jewish paper had more readers than Jews lived in the country.

Interestingly, the same quota existed among its editorial staff. Different — apart from its agenda and purpose — to other new German-language newspapers of that time was the Allgemeine's quite conservative style and content. All editors and writers of the paper had left Germany in the s and now contributed articles seemingly in an old-fashioned style and often in an outdated German. Henceforth Giordano, Narben, Spuren, Zeugen. An article about the Arab boycott threat against Germany which appeared in the Spiegel on May 13, demonstrates this. The Arab countries had established a so-called black list with all companies on it which had previously placed ads in the Allgemeine.

Marx 'was responsible for much of the dialogue between German and Jewish leaders'53 at that time. Many politicians, 'including Kurt Schumacher and Konrad Adenauer [used the Allgemeine] as a vehicle to address the Jewish community in Germany'54 and Marx knew about the pressure his publication could exert as the 'watchdog against renewed anti-Semitism' This became the first one of many in West Germany. Never shy to address issues where he saw them, Marx catapulted himself within a few years to the highest circles of West German politics.

In the s, his wife recalled, 'all the parties asked my husband to be a candidate for the Bundestag' Convinced he could achieve more on a non-party and international level, Marx organized monthly meeting and talks with the leaders of the German press, sent free copies to ministers and MPs, about free copies to Jewish world organizations and also succeeded to secure an increasingly high readership in Israel.

And — because of the contacts and endeavours of Karl Marx — the Allgemeine had a substantial influence on German- Israeli relations. The Allgemeine's evolution reflects the evolution of postwar German Jewry. The German Jewish community similarly had to reorganize itself, defend itself against attacks from abroad and domestic anti-Semitism in the early years, and finally achieved more acceptance with the establishment of diplomatic relations in The Allgemeine's role in the development of German-Israeli relations was the fight for reconciliation and as an — albeit disfavoured — intermediary between Germans and world Jewry.

I argue that the Allgemeine and Marx in particular had an enormous influence on Germany's international reputation. World politics might have concluded developments. On the Road to the Luxembourg Agreement, 3. A comparative analysis of the Spiegel's coverage about the discussed issues reveals surprising discrepancies but also an overall similar development.

In contrast to the Allgemeine, the Spiegel only reported sporadically about German Jewish issues, and German-Israeli topics only found mentioning if thez affected West German politics directly. Surprisingly, the Holocaust and German Jewry's situation was less often a topic in the Spiegel as one would assume of a paper with a leftist and overly politically correct reputation. In a country where millions were occupied with rebuilding the destroyed cities and struggling to return to a normal life, the fate of a few thousand survivors was not top priority.