No testat en animals. Aclareix la pell i unifica el to. Retorna la lluentor i la lluminositat a pells intoxicades. Incrementa la fermesa i elasticitat de la pell. Llueix una pell enlluernadora, en tan sols 30 dies. La intensitat de la taronja per navegar cap al plaer. Per contra, aprendre a respirar de manera correcta, ens pot ajudar a indicar-li al nostre cos que estem relaxats i fora de perill.
Modelar la figura. Contrarestar tensions musculars negatives. Et proposem 3 exercicis que es poden fer a casa mentre continues amb el teu dia a dia. Assegureu-vos que turmells, genolls i malucs estan alineats. Mantingueu el cap mirant cap endavant. Porteu el vostre pes cap als teus talons. Posicioneu-vos de peu, amb el pes en una cama. Alterneu les cames per igual. Un cop dins, tots els sentits queden captivats. The Embassy Avinguda Meritxell, AD Andorra la Vella T. A baix de tot, un fris de vidres lila.
Els pruna eren fulles de lliris i les fulles de la tija dels lliris eren de vidre verd. I de tant gronxar-me i de tant mirar tots aquells colors que el sol que es ponia feia brillar i que tacaven la paret i el terra de la galeria, em vaig marejar. I aleshores va baixar el ramat. Es van sentir esquelles i els lladrucs del gos; i va sortir el primer be. Tot vermell. I quan els volia veure grocs —els vidres grocs eren els que feien el fris de dalt de tot— el ramat ja havia passat. Vaig traure tot el que portava a la motxilla i en vaig fer una paradeta damunt la gleva.
Vaig destapar el canut. Eren criatures de bolquers. Com us heu passat! Ho entens? Vull dir que les ampolles i les llaunes estiguin buides, i els bolquers, cagats o pixats. A veure si em buidareu bars i botigues! Quatrepins e En quin estat troben les criatures? Escriu cinc possibles activitats que faries realitzar als minairons. Exposa-les davant els teus companys i justifica-les. Anota tres tasques que els encomanaries si tinguessis el canut dels minairons.
Un accident? Un atemptat? Al cap i a la fi, havia fet el mateix que la seva amiga, la Felicity Brown, a qui havia descobert enganxant-lo en un altre dels bancs. Sens dubte havien trobat ja els seus xiclets. Jordi Folck, La guerra dels xiclets. La Pamela havia enganxat el seu xiclet sota el primer banc. Havia enganxat el xiclet sota el primer banc. ESO Llengua catalana i literatura 1 [material fotocopiable] Nom dels alumnes [material fotocopiable] Reconeix les categories gramaticals. Escriu els plurals correctament.
Accentua correctament. Explica el significat de les paraules. Llegeix expressivament un text literari. El Jaume, el nou, tenia un aspecte molt tranquil i discret, desmanegat, llargarut i molt, molt, prim. Va venir un noi nou a classe. Reconeix la persona, el nombre, el temps i el mode verbals.
Aplicar diferents procediments i formats per enriquir els textos orals, escrits o audiovisuals. Coneixement de les abreviatures del diccionari. Comprendre i produir textos narratius. Elaborar textos narratius. Identificar el subjecte i el predicat. Identificar els verbs en forma personal. Distingir entre oracions simples i oracions compostes. Classificar paraules segons el so i la grafia. Identificar grafies mudes. Comprendre el text literari.
Valorar la lectura com a font de plaer i d'enriquiment personal. Busca en la lectura dues oracions compostes. Subratlla les paraules clau de la lectura. Mentre anava parlant Quaderns Crema. Total, vinga a esperar amb candeletes el meu aniversari i Gemma Lienas, El diari lila de la Carlota. Fila 2: pilota de waterpolo, pilota de tennis, pilota de futbol.
Afirmacions falses: c, d i e. Verticals: metge, palla, bossa, llenties.
Resposta oberta. Hi havia el setge a la ciutat per part de les tropes de Felip V. Lloc i data de la mort: Sant Boi de Llobregat, Nom i cognoms: Josep Moragues i Mas. Lloc i data de naixement: Sant Hilari Sacalm, Lloc i data de la mort: Barcelona, Amb les campanes i el sol, en tenen prou. Va ser jutjat, torturat i mort a garrot. ESO Llengua catalana i literatura 1 10 Correcta. Identificar els diferents tipus de sintagmes. Relacionar frases fetes amb el seu significat. Resoldre activitats sobre la lectura. Diftongs i hiats 8. Escriu tots els mots de la lectura que tinguin un diftong.
Sentit propi i sentit figurat.
Frases fetes Dictat No tenia gaire amics en aquells dies, i els pocs que tenia acostumaven a aprofitar la temporada estiuenca per traslladar-se a viure lluny de la ciutat. ESO Llengua catalana i literatura 1 44 [material fotocopiable] Solucionari Unitat 2 El text narratiu II 8 pujar: enfilar-se; anomenar: batejar; repartir: distribuir; persona: home; esprimatxada: prima; feia servir: utilitzava. Els robatoris es van cometre a Santa Coloma de Gramenet i a Badalona. Silenciosos: que roben sense fer soroll.
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Els determinants i els complements del nom estan subratllats. ESO Llengua catalana i literatura 1 c El 8 de desembre de Jameson, director del diari Daily Bugle. Una g Stan Lee. Els desallotjats van assegurar que el foc va ser intencionat. Decreixent i creixent: ai-gua-lir.
SN: Els massai. Portes maletes? Diftong decreixent: deixar, servei, aigua, proveeix, caiguda, efectius, ciutat. Elaborar un resum. Produir missatges orals a partir de pautes donades. Redactar textos expositius. Distingir els diversos tipus de substantius. Classificar els substantius. Tenir coneixement dels diferents tipus de diccionaris. Usar els diferents tipus de diccionaris. Valorar la lectura com a font de plaer. Ko Tazawa, En Yu i en Kei. Peixos: peixos espasa, tonyines, rap, morena, llobarro, tonyina, verat. Quan es recuperen, tornen a casa. Lloc i any de naixement: Guadalupe Amistats: Mozart i Choderlos de Laclos.
Bach a Londres. Dels anys immediatament posteriors daten els primers quartets per a corda, les simfonies K. Aquestes crisis es reflectiren en obres com el quintet de corda K. Aquests balbotejos teatrals van ser una altres molts fracassos. Resposta model: a Generalitat, aiguats. Resposta model: fi m Vam esperar la fi del partit. X C f El dentista li va treure dues dents.
Gentada: conjunt de gent. Pineda: bosc de pins.
Change of address: allow six weeks for all changes to become effective. In one of these clusters, there is a process of transformation which indicates the intention to seek a different architectural model of the structure used until then in order to yield spaces and an architectural composition to meet new needs, even though the result is architecturally and functionally far from being recognisable as a Talaiotic or turriform structure. Geppeto, el bon fuster, La frega sense parar. Experimental protocols used vary with respect to the inclusion of a subsequent meal during the test period. This factor is an indication of reasonable Plant operation throughout the year, and also of the results of the optimization and quality efforts made in preparing and executing the refueling outage.
Castanyada: menjada de castanyes. Roureda: bosc de roures. We should also add the extensive territory of the marinas of Manacor and Felanitx, where there is a scarce presence of manifestations from the naviform period. The naviform structures are primarily located on flat areas. They show no interest in strategic locations, elevations or other factors that can be seen in the Talaiotic period. A spatial analysis of Mallorca shows the conservation of a number of Talaiotic settlements quite similar to the naviform ones, although the strategies are different.
The Talaiotic settlements show a clear tendency to be located over promontories or strategic points. They do not seek major elevations but slight orographic changes which allow them visual dominance over the nearby land small hills or mounds, rocky steps or the upper part of a coast. The architectural characteristics of Talaiotic construction models coupled with their territorial distribution show a high interest in the territorialisation of the space. The desire to mark the territory near each community is clearly different to the naviform period and shows the strategy developed with a scarce resource on an island: land.
This shift in criteria means that there is little overlap in the location of Talaiotic and naviform structures, except in regions where the orography is primarily flat. In terms of the territorial distribution, there are still uneven densities. The eastern regions of the townships of Manacor and Felanitx continued to be marginal.
The density in the inland regions of Mallorca in-. By applying Thiessen polygons on those areas where the Talaiotic settlements are best conserved, the average settlement density has been proposed at every 7. The territorialisation strategy varied depending on the orography of the land. We can see that on flat lands there is often a settlement that has a talaiot an average of metres away.
In contrast to this architecturally simpler model, we can find more complex settlement units in which the settlement is arranged around a central point and surrounded by isolated talaiots laid out according to the features of the orography. One example of the latter is Son Serra de Marina, with a settlement unit delimited by two streams and the settlement located at the central point, with seven isolated talaiots encircling the territory around the settlement at a distance of between metres and 1, metres.
Therefore, we can see that despite the fact that the number of naviform and Talaiotic settlements is similar, the architectural density of the latter is notably higher. The Talaiotic settlements have a larger number of constructions for household use, coupled with those for communal and prestigious uses which encompass different kinds of turriforms. And we should also add a significant number of isolated talaiots which often have an attached structure.
We can also see that these models of settlement units can be associated with the characteristics of the ecosystem. Specifically, on flat lands with scarce water resources and very thin soil, the model we find is a settlement which has an isolated talaiot located a certain distance away, around metres. In contrast, in the small valleys with more pronounced orography, thicker soil and more water resources, more complex settlement units are developed.
The larger architectural scale of some settlement units comes with a larger area occupied by these archaeological items. The territories where the archaeological complexes are best. We have little information that would allow us to determine the purpose of the isolated talaiots. The majority are old excavations with little documentation. Everything seems to indicate that the isolated talaiots had an inner chamber which was used as a home and few tools to produce and manipulate food. We could say that they are subsidiary structures of the settlement which were often clearly built for geostrategic reasons to delimit and control the territory used by the community.
The most recent excavation performed at an isolated talaiot is the one in Son Serralta. It is a circular talaiot located in the foothills of the Tramuntana mountains next to a mountain pass. Excavated between and , it yielded different ceramic materials for everyday use to store water and cook. No bone remains or utensils to handle food were found.
These factors determined its use as a home. Even though they start from the same concept, their materialisation is different on the two islands. On Menorca, the sanctuaries, known as taula areas, are larger and more monumental, with two large stones laid out in a T-formation placed at the centre of the construction. Other large stones, albeit smaller than the central one, were attached to the inner face.
The placement of these lateral monoliths sometimes formed a lobulated layout inside. Figure 4. On Mallorca, the expressions are more heterogeneous. This model of a horseshoe-shaped layout is quite widespread, but there are also examples of sanctuaries with a quadrangular layout. Instead of building the taula, different aligned columns were placed in the centre of the construction. One of the issues yet to be resolved regarding the sanctuaries is when they began to be built, since we do not have sufficiently precise information on their dates.
They were traditionally believed to hail from the post-Talaiotic period, since the excavations yielded materials that were situated between the 4th century cal BP and the start of our era. However, the excavation of Son Mas sanctuary on Mallorca substantially shifted this hypothesis. This construction rests atop a space that had been frequented by humans for a long time.
In fact, bell-shaped ceramics have been documented outside the building, and radiocarbon datings showed the start of the second millennium cal BP. The lower level of the sanctuary is from the Talaiotic period, and the constant use of the sacred buildings over time makes it difficult to get information on their origins and therefore to ascertain whether the construction of buildings used exclusively as sanctuaries was common in the Talaiotic period.
The radiocarbon datings of the excavated premises situate their origin at around cal BP, a timeline which places them in the same period as the construction of the turriforms. The fact that the report on the excavations is not published makes it impossible to determine how they were actually used. Therefore, the recent excavations indicate that at the beginning of the Talaiotic period, buildings were constructed with architectural features that are quite common for exclusively sacred uses. Economic activity For the analysis of the production and consumption of food, we can draw from few archaeological studies: the ones mentioned above at the Son Forners complex and the ones in the Alfa building Puig Morter Son Ferragut , both on Mallorca.
In the former, the conclusion is that the food was livestock-based, revolving around the consumption of pork, sheep, beef and goats, in descending order. A plan of the livestock hut can be seen aimed at taking advantage not only of the meat but also the different products derived from these animals wool, milk, blood, traction and.
Depending on the interest, the animals were consumed young or adult. Thus, the cattle, sheep and goats were consumed at an older age, while the swine was consumed at their peak weight, around two years old. We believe that the crop farming activity was considerably less important, since only two mills have been found in the rooms.
The pollen analyses have not detected the presence of cultivated plants or the remains of fauna or tools that indicate hunting. The conclusions from the studies at the Alpha building in Puig Morter are similar. The livestock hut was made up of the same animals, and the cattle, sheep and goats were eaten as adults, which indicates husbandry and the consumption of by-products.
Flint tines and the remains of starch have been found in the different slabs on which some kind of grain-based foodstuff must have been produced. Likewise, we should also note the presence of a mortar and pestle, which may have also been used to process this product. The excavation and study of talaiot 4 at Son Ferrandell shows a livestock hut much like the one detected in the two aforementioned sites. There are signs that other products besides meat were extracted from the sheep, goats and cattle. We interpret this as meaning that the consumption of cattle at an advanced age reveals the existence of grain-based farming.
In this case, the presence of wild fauna is notable. What is more, fishing tools were collected, along with the remains of monk seals and remnants of seafaring activity. Bones from different kinds of terrestrial and coastal birds and wild mammals were also recovered. In both Son Forners and Puig Morter, the results are clear regarding a meat-based diet. While the archaeological evidence on grain production in Son Forners can be deduced by the presence of several hand-mills and mortars, in Puig Morter we can find their presence through the analysis of the slabs which were used to make some grain-based product.
On the other hand, there is also indirect evidence, such as ceramic tools. The shapes are quite rudimentary and show little variety. This may indicate elementary culinary activity in which processed foods must have been minimal. We find large containers. Pots seem to be the only ceramic forms which are directly related to cooking food.
The raw material must have been toasted or heated directly in the fire. Pebbles seared by the effect of fire are often found, which may have been used to heat water or toast like a grill. Relations with the outside world and trade Throughout the naviform period, we can find objects in the archaeological record which can only be interpreted as coming from direct imports ivory objects and vermilion or indirect imports bronze items whose typology is based on external models.
In the Talaiotic period, there is no proof that commercial activity outside the island was a common practice. While in the pre-Talaiotic or transitional period, we can detect a significant influx of bronze and ivory, and the introduction of prestigious manufactured items ceramic, ornaments and iron after the 6th century cal BP, there is not enough information from the Talaiotic period to discuss the topic.
The habitat sites excavated which chronologically fall between the 9th and 7th centuries cal BP have yielded no imported items, and the information on the necropolises is extremely scant. The only thing we can glean from this information is the existence of some random contacts which brought bronze and iron objects as either raw materials or fabricated items. Until the end of the Talaiotic period, we can regard the output as the product of island autarchy and are unaware of any relations among settlements. Towards the end of the Talaiotic period, these relations increased, marked by the colonisation process of the Greeks and Semites, which influenced the proto-history of settlements in the western Mediterranean.
The areas of influence in this space were centred around the Phoenician and Punic settlements in the southern shore after Carthage, and the Greek influence in the north with the settlement in Marseille. The Talaiotic period falls right in the midst of the colonisation process of these two trading powers, which were interested in reaching the eastern trade routes, especially the metal trade.
In theory, the Balearic Islands fell outside the scope of their interest, and indeed according to the archaeological finds, these relations were quite scarce, focused primarily on iron armaments throughout much of the period. Because of both the influence and the impact it had, we should highlight the Phoenician-Punic settlement on Eivissa, which started with the settlement in Sa Caleta in the 8th century cal BP and with the Punic settlement in Ebussus after that.
The excavation of the 6th-century Greek boat in Cala Sant Vicent on Mallorca reveals that both commer-. However, the discovery and excavation of this boat opened the possibility of a trade dichotomy on Mallorca and allowed us to posit zones of influence: the southern coast with trade contacts with the Punics via the establishment on Eivissa, and the northern part of the island with Greek contacts from the settlements in Marseille and Emporion.
However, in the case of the Balearic Islands, the Ebussitan influence became increasingly strong until it led to the creation of the Punic Ebussitan factory on the islet of Na Guardis in southern Mallorca during the post-Talaiotic period. In fact, throughout the 8th century cal BP, the introduction of iron weapons following Atlantic models, such as cubic and flat axes and spearheads, was on the rise.
Finds of these objects dating from the first half of that century increased, and decorative ceramic objects began to be introduced in the middle of the next century, which must have given their owners prestige locally. After the 6th century cal BP, in the post-Talaiotic period, relations with the outside world accelerated and there was a constant influx of objects. The post-Talaiotic period is when the stage of trade contacts was superseded by Punic coastal settlements on different islets, the most notable of which is on Na Guardis, as mentioned above.
In this period, relations with the outside world went beyond just commercial interests, and the Talaiotic communities must have been involved in the wars of Carthage, with the participation of slingers in the Punic Wars. Funerary manifestations Mallorca and Menorca took different pathways in terms of their architectural expressions, but they were quite similar in their ideotechnical framework.
Both islands came from the tradition of collective burials in both natural cavities and series of artificial caves, the latter much more extensive on Mallorca than on Menorca. Despite this dichotomy between natural and artificial cavities, the characteristics and objects were the same, as far as we know: they were necropolises in which the members of an extended family were buried over the course of generations.
As seen in the excavations of the natural cave in Can Martorellet, these collective necropolises were used throughout the entire naviform period. In the case of. Can Martorellet, there are five radiocarbon datings which span from an initial date between and cal BP until a date between and cal BP. Despite this, the archaeological data only enable us to glimpse signs or symptoms of this shift.
The Talaiotic period on both islands entailed a rupture, since the burial sites used throughout the naviform and transitional or proto-Talaiotic period were abandoned. The hypogaea characteristic of the naviform period also stopped being built. Therefore, this is a fairly widespread change in necropolises, although the system of collective burials in natural cavities remained in use.
The continuation of collective burials does not hinder us from grasping the social changes that were gestating within the Talaiotic communities. One new development during this period is the use of lime burials. The difficulties excavating this kind of burial is one of the reasons why there is so little research on this method. On the other hand, the poor state of conservation of the objects that have been subjected to the action of lime creates serious interpretative difficulties.
That is compounded by the difficulties generated when extracting radiocarbon datings. This entire set of issues involved in researching lime burials may have been one of the reasons for the lack of information on the funerary activity during the Talaiotic period. Son Matge cavern can be cited as an archaeological referent on Mallorca. From the very start of settlement of Mallorca, this natural shelter was used in different periods and for different purposes, although its complex archaeological record and interpretations do not provide us with clear information on the relationship of the stratigraphy, its archaeological contexts and the radiocarbon dating tables extracted.
We know about one level of burials next to which different bronze armaments and other ornamental objects sword, knives, armguard are found, which is chronologically located in the transitional period. A level was also found with lime burials which would correspond to the Talaiotic phase, although its exact chronology has not been clearly determined. We only have some information and ancient finds, such as the cases of La Cometa dels Morts and.
The practice of secondary burials in some Talaiotic necropolises has been posited. According to this theory, which is upheld by Jaume Coll, there would be open-air spaces in which the human body was left to rot, after which it was placed in a natural cavity.
This funerary space is a unique, prominent hallmark of the period, since it is an extensive set of small outdoor constructions near the sea made with a hasty technical quality in a material that was rarely used by Talaiotic culture, namely sandstone. The constructions are circular, square, rectangular and naviform, and we can detect the deliberate use of architectural models built by their ancestors, namely talaiots and naviforms. However, we are interested in focusing on the structures that were chronologically built during the Talaiotic period. The necropolis began to be used in the second half of the 7th century cal BP, and the circular and some of the square structures found were built between this date and the first half of the 6th century cal BP, according to the datings available.
Significant differences can be detected compared to what had been common until then: collective burials of most members of a community. In these tombs in Son Real, we can see that some house a small number of members, and tomb 5 contains just a single individual accompanied by an iron sword, the well-known kind known as the antenna sword because of its hilt, in addition to punches and other items.
The theoretical interpretations of the necropolis range from considering it initially as exclusive to prominent figures in society to interpreting it as a necropolis of an entire community that reveals the hierarchical differences. The researcher of the necropolis believes that military chieftains and their family members were buried there. During the latter phase of the period, after Son Real necropolis, we can infer the existence of differences between communities which generated the adoption of a totally new model on the island.
These changes were caused by the evolution in the social and economic structure, which progressively evolved towards an accentuation of social and economic differences. In this process, the relationship between the indigenous and the Punic and Phocaean merchants seems to have played a key role. These constructions were collective burial necropolises with two superimposed. Figure 5. Naveta in Tudons. Their use spanned from the 11th to the 9th centuries cal BP. Natural caves located on rocky walls of cliffs facing the sea or ravines were also used; one of the examples researched is Cales Coves.
This site was perpetuated for centuries, and 84 hypogaea have been counted there. Between the 11th and 10th centuries cal BP, natural cavities started to be used there, and a cyclopean wall was built at the entrance to some of them. It seems that the construction of artificial caves began at the end of the Talaiotic period, as apparently indicated by some bronze objects located in this set of caves.
Those built at the peak of the Talaiotic were small in size and layout, with a rectangular or semicircular doorway leading in. Since the early Talaiotic period, we can find repositories of prestigious objects, especially made of bronze swords, daggers, knives, mirrors, armguards and occasionally of iron. Late in that same period, the range of this kind of object expanded thanks to the increase in trade contacts; they were amortised as funerary deposits. In the chronological period from to cal BP, a great deal of effort was poured into funerary architecture. This has been related to the sociological change which occurred in the shift from the naviform to the Talaiotic period, in which social integration practices changed via funerary rites, with a greater emphasis on civil practices related to political segmentations.
As we have seen, Son Forners shows an egalitarian distribution of certain meat products from talaiot 1 as far as the four rooms analysed. Based on this, we can posit the existence of a system to control the production and distribution of goods. The Son Forners research team believes that the existence of profits for part of the population which would give rise to social classes is not proven.
This factor may have been based on a system of social relations using the extended family model, which has been applied theoretically in the case of Puig Morter. The studies performed allow us to distinguish between two main groups of spaces, the communal ones and the homes of the household units. In neither have any elements been detected that might indicate the presence of internal differences in the household units.
The comparison among homes shows equality in both the tools and in the products consumed. In order to coordinate the communal tasks mentioned, there must have been a leadership based on the respect and acknowledgement of the community. The research team at Son Ferragut shows the contrast between the building excavated from this settlement and the houses excavated in Son Forners: they show a clear difference in terms of the structure of the buildings and the number of members in the household units.
The calculation of the number of people per home in each settlement is quite distinct. In Son Forners, it is calculated that each of the household units was comprised of seven to nine individuals, while in Son Ferragut there were believed to be groups of between 20 and 26 people. These asymmetries have given rise to considerations of the heterogeneity of the Talaiotic communities.
The evolution of the burial systems and funerary deposits allows us to deduce a social process working its way towards greater complexity. These differences begin to be detected in the communal necropolises from the start of the period, where just a few were given funerary goods with prestigious objects, indicating a different social rank. Thus, the end of the Talaiotic period and especially the beginning of the post-Talaiotic period began with the creation of necropolises which marked the social rank of the people buried there.
On the other hand, the construction of large cultural buildings sanctuaries, tumuli and perhaps large solid talaiots indicates the magnitude and complexity of religious activity. This poses the question of the role played by priests, their social standing and whether it was a specific activity that released the person with religious knowledge from economic activities, which has led some authors to speak about a priestly caste. Religious practices The start of the Talaiotic period shows a notable transformation of island societies, which also affected religious aspects.
Until then, the religious practices of which we are aware were performed in natural caves. In the Talaiotic period, the dead were buried, placed squatting on their side, most likely shrouded and accompanied by personal effects and a deposit or offering for their journey. This cave is very difficult to reach and is located on coastal cliffs. It is made up of different chambers; the one that is the most difficult to reach contained different wood carvings, two of them anthropomorphic, one of which is a horned human figure.
The size of the chamber could fit two people, who had to use firelight to guide themselves there and when in the cave. This information seems to indicate that an initiation ritual must have been performed there. In this ritual, the shaman introduced the initiate into the forces of the underworld, in this case materialised in the horned male figure.
This element is found in many prehistoric Mediterranean cultures as a syncretism of strength and fertility, and in the post-Talaiotic period it often appears in Mallorcan and Menorcan sanctuaries with the figures of bulls and horns made of bronze. Different votive deposits from the transition to the Talaiotic period or at its onset have been found; they consist in sets of bronze objects swords, knives, daggers, mirrors, ornaments, etc. They seem to be amortisations of objects with a high symbolic value which were buried at a time of social change following a ritual.
This information reveals that the world of beliefs was more developed and had defined rituals. In the sanctuaries from the post-Talaiotic period, bronze figures representing warriors and bulls are quite common. Through religious syncretism, these figures have been associated with deities that express the concepts of strength, fertility and war, which highlight masculine qualities and most likely sought to reinforce the characteristics of Talaiotic society with religion.
In addition to the sanctuaries, we should also include within the realm of the sacred the tumuli of Mallorca, and perhaps the large solid turriforms on Menorca. The sanctuaries on Menorca have been associated with worship of the Sun, the Moon and the stars such as Alpha Centauri or Sirius based on a study of the placement of the lateral columns with respect to the central stone or taula and the paths of the stars and planets.
Structures like tumuli or superstructures in natural cavities may be associated with worship of the underworld and the forces of nature. In the Talaiotic necropolis of Son Matge, a small area was built where a small, awkward clay figure was found which has been interpreted as a deity. All of these cultural expressions reveal the importance of the supernatural in everyday Talaiotic life.
Each of the cultural activities we have listed must have had one or more referents, some of which had a physical, syncretic representation. However, we do not know whether these supernatural powers actually took shape in the form of deities. Consell Insular de Menorca, Barcelona El Tall, Palma Arquitectura y poder en la prehistoria de Mallorca.
El Tall, Palma, Complutum, no. British Archaeological Report. International Series, no. Oxford , pp. Mayurqa Palma , no. Radiocarbon, vol. Espacio, Tiempo y Forma, no. Archivo de Prehistoria Levantina, vol. Encarna Sanahuja. British Archaeological Reports, International Series, no. The Deya Conference of Prehistory. British Archaeological Report, International Series, no.
Trabajo y vida social en la Prehistoria de Mallorca c. Oxford , p. Arquitectura y poder Palma, Madrid , p. Complutum, extra vol. Madrider Mitteilungen, no. Bases para el estudio de sus fases iniciales. Palma, , p. Ministerio de Cultura, Studia Archaeologica Universidad de Valladolid , no. In: Els amics al Pare. Balearic Prehistoric Ecology and Culture. Oxford Trabajos de Prehistoria, no. Mujeres y hombres Treballs del Museu de Menorca, no. He has worked as an associate professor at the UIB. He has published a variety of studies on prehistory and the ancient world on Mallorca and has been a member of numerous archaeological research groups.
Abstract Catalan fiction in the 15th century is framed within the context of the expansion of the Crown of Aragon around the Mediterranean, the emergence of Valencia as the cultural capital of the Crown, the crisis in the prevailing mediaeval values, the consolidation of a monetary economy, and fertile contacts between Catalan culture and Castile, France, Burgundy and especially Italy.
A varied fictional output in a complex political and cultural context At least for readers who are unfamiliar with the history of the Catalan-speaking lands, a presentation of 15th-century Catalan fiction requires a brief historical contextualisation. Both were composite, multilingual monarchies with little territorial cohesion that were experiencing their political and cultural peak during that century. This situation is largely unknown today, since the two powers later became appendages to two more powerful monarchies, Castile and France, and never managed to consolidate their power as nation-states in the 16th century.
We cannot pretend to understand 15th-century Catalan culture without bearing this situation in mind. Fiction is not history, but it often provides us with insights into the cultural reality at a given point in historical time that are sometimes more useful than strictly historical documentation.
E-mail: antoni. The geopolitical changes in 16th-century Europe still have consequences today: the Crown of Aragon and the Duchy of Burgundy are invisible in Europe today, and modern-day Spain and France tend to impose monolingualising policies that conceal the linguistic and national plurality of their states. Yet Catalan literature was one of the most important in 15th-century Europe and today is the most important in the world among those with no state behind them except Andorra.
All of these works boast not only high literary quality but also extraordinary historical and cultural interest. In the 15th century, the Crown of Aragon, whose main language was Catalan, had a complex territorial and ethnic structure: its kings were known as Kings of Aragon. This mediaeval onomastic diversity, widespread since the last third of the 15th century, and especially the persistence of the political subordination of the Catalan-speaking lands to Castile, have not helped the unitary perception of Catalan literature within our own linguistic community or the efficacy of its projection abroad.
These five stories are a priceless reflection of the cultural and political situation of the Crown of Aragon in the 15th century. Quite the contrary, the 15th century was the golden age of Catalan literature, and fiction lay at the heart of it. It would be impossible to explain Curial without knowing that Catalan was present in Italy. The status of Catalan as the language of the court and high culture only started its decline with the consolidation of the Spanish monarchy of the Catholic Kings , whose court was headquartered in Castile with predominantly Castilian leanings.
We should note that the political and commercial projection of the Crown of Aragon in the Mediterranean in the 15th century, inherited from the previous centuries, did not stop at Italy but also extended as far as the Balkan lands. Catalan fiction also reflected this.
The settings of Curial and Tirant are European and Mediterranean, mainly centred in Italy in Curial and in Constantinople in Tirant, and both with episodes in. North Africa. Therefore, all five stories, likely the most interesting for non-Catalan readers today, have a clear international reach.
The court and the nobility had to share cultural protagonism with the urban patricians and the bourgeoisie in the large cities, and a monetary economy was imposed. These socioeconomic changes also affected perceptions of the world. And naturally this can be seen not only in the five stories chosen but also in the biographical histories of their known authors.
Even though he received some support from King John II, Joanot Martorell was a destitute Valencian knight who was disenchanted with the materialistic world that derided the ideals of knighthood. In contrast, the biography of the hypothetical author of Curial seems to match the social and economic ascent of the main character of the romance.
Jaume Roig was a physician who was well connected to the bourgeoisie of the city of Valencia, who also assisted Queen Mary. Of the known authors, Roig must have been the only member of the bourgeoisie, but an economically and socially well-situated member. If we examine the social situation carefully, there must not have been complete separation between the nobility with scant economic resources who aspired to secure more, especially through marital strategies, and the wealthy bourgeoisie who aspired to nobility: the economic expansion favoured interrelation. If we compare the two chronological ends of the 15th century from a literary perspective, we can find a quite noticeable difference.
In the early 15th century, such notable writers as Francesc Eiximenis, Anselm Turmeda and Bernat Metge, who excelled in the field of fiction and didactic literature, were still alive. In contrast, the great storytellers. Unlike the early 15th century, when the literary world from the previous century still survived, at the end of that century and in the early 16th century there was a major cultural and linguistic breach: the nobility adopted the new courtly language, Spanish, as a literary tool, and some amateur writers from the bourgeoisie also tried it out, albeit essentially in imitations of cancionero poetry.
This breach affected not only poetry but also, more importantly, fiction, to such an extent that a bestseller like Tirant was not issued in Catalan again after Before , there was still a situation of cultural normality. The discovery of America and the Castilian alliance with the Netherlands were too recent.
One of the best examples of this cultural and sociolinguistic change comes in the transmission of Tirant. This work, the most famous Catalan-language romance of all times, was published anonymously in Spanish and Italian with a title adapted to the languages of its respective recipients Tirante in both cases , with no dedicatory, with no indications of its provenance and without specifying its original language.
This is how Miguel de Cervantes learned about it and how he referred to it in Don Quixote. Backdrop of Catalan fiction in the 15th century It is obvious that Catalan fiction written between and does not fall within a uniform period in terms of genres, tastes and themes but instead a purely conventional chronological period.
And these two works have little to do with the three others we have chosen, all three from mid-century. Even though Curial ca. On the other hand, Espill ca. The variety of historical-literary contexts seen throughout the century and the many different language models cultivated are vast. Therefore, Catalan fiction in the 15th century is quite far from being a more or less homogeneous product.
We shall only consider texts produced in the 15th century and omit works whose authors, though they lived in that century, wrote the majority of their output either before or after it. And regarding anonymous works, we shall strive to limit ourselves to those that are or seem to be from this century. It is not easy to date many of the anonymous works from the late Middle Ages if they do not contain specific information that allows us to do so. Many of the stories copied or documented from the 15th century are actually older. Some of them survive only as manuscripts.