However, the health of the Verte, a large series that could act as an umbrella for new titles, and could sustain large print runs and economies of scale, pointed the way forward. Books on their own did not sell. Series generated loyalty, and so a book that appeared within them had a ready-made readership and a much higher chance of selling.
Editors at other publishing houses agreed: Alsatia admitted that even a mediocre book could sell within a popular series, while at Gauthier-Langureau the editor explained that once parents began to trust a series, success was guaranteed With their heritage status, the Rose and the Verte were excellent and reassuring brands. Fleurent was a passionate believer in the transformative power of mass culture.
For him the book was a crucial tool in modern society, providing the technology for aspiration and intellectual development The catalogue playfully made the point that these were books intended for mass consumption. Large colour photographs featured children playing with piles of books, leaning on them, even using them as a windbreak on beaches.
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Mirman surmised that the new formula seemed to have answered a real consumer need Similarly, Mirman spoke of feeling constrained by the expense of the technology and the drive to keep prices down. However, as Bourdieu reminds us, individual agents still had room for manoeuvre, and they could still shape the space within which they worked It will ask how the staff working on the production line understood the criteria for selecting content, and how their choices within the range of possibilities available to them shaped the new Hachette books. Hachette acquired the French translation rights to Enid Blyton in The first print run of the Famous Five in France sold all 20, copies in a matter of weeks.
Fouret wrote in that her book sales had been the most striking phenomenon of the modern department This success and subsequent reliance on Blyton seems to have further eroded the weak sense of autonomy amongst staff. Instead the percentage of modern, imported titles was greatly increased, with the focus on popular Anglo-American series literature, notably works by Enid Blyton for the Rose and the Nancy Drew series from the Stratemeyer syndicate for the Verte.
By the late s the list was almost fifty per cent modern translations.
She notes this imprint was allowed to prioritise literary concerns His tone here was deliberately provocative. Although most of the regular reading team were mothers, many male authors and translators also produced such reports. Hachette administrative staff regularly earned extra money this way using assumed names. She supplemented her salary with this type of piecework, and she emphasised her suitability for the role by the fact she had two children of reading age.
Schiray recalled how she had once debated with one of the other readers whether to recommend the memoirs of a ballet dancer. Schiray noted pointedly that this particular reader subsequently left to work for the more literary Gallimard. From the early s, Mirman and his team began to conceptualise the content in terms of sub-series, by author or character, within the large and growing lists of the Rose and the Verte.
Series literature is distinguished by the repetitive nature of the stories, in which the same characters reappear, and never grow old. The plots follow similar lines, and while from one book to another there may be a small amount of progression, they do not need to be read in a particular order Mirman commissioned French authors to produce French series along the Blyton and Stratemeyer formulae, which were virtually all variants on the child detective story. In , the Rose and the Verte contained seventeen sub-series, with 74 titles between them. This number had tripled by , with titles.
Still, as many critics pointed out, while the titles and authors were recognisable, the content within was often drastically changed. These new forms of culture had conditioned young readers to expect easy emotions and suspense; books had to be immediately gratifying and easy to consume The emphasis was therefore on pace and length. Considerations of cost meant long complex texts had to be drastically shortened.
Dialogues were removed, repetitions dispensed with, and, where it was possible, the lengthy dissertations on biology, botany, geography and other useful areas of knowledge were cut The Poche used bright, bold single image covers to attract the consumer. The Rose and the Verte had been using a similar technique from the interwar period, but they now placed greater emphasis on using more modern illustrations and cover images to appeal to the young. Contemporary-looking settings and fashionable clothes appeared. The English author P.
Her choice of wording also alluded to the populist approach of the Poche, considered by many critics to be tacky and overly commercial Furthermore, she added, the depiction of Mrs Banks as a trendy young woman in a mini-skirt was far removed from the delicate and charming lady of the book It is clear that the editors saw the two series as now fitting into popular culture more generally. In the drive to make books a mass consumer item, the new readers needed objects they could consume in familiar ways.
To carry out this work, Mirman appointed women often secretaries from the department, as well as authors and translators whom he hoped as mothers, rather than teachers, would be pragmatic when it came to selecting material. For Schiray, readers who disagreed with the popular culture influence were working for the wrong press. As highlighted in the introduction, notions of the appropriateness of material for children are historically contingent on, and usually determined by, a combination of internal and external pressures on the publishing house, be they commercial, political, cultural or legal.
It analyses the new complex set of editorial interventions this process generated. While the post-war editor was no longer a genius who shaped tastes, as Fleurent saw it, they might well be called upon to be much more active in the name of child protection. These years also witnessed heightened tensions surrounding the social and humanitarian responsibilities of literature They also led to the law regulating publications for children, which banned the depiction of crime, debauchery and violence that might demoralise young readers The fear that depictions of crime in comics conditioned children to see it as acceptable was common to morality campaigns across the globe However, unlike the American Comics Code, or the laws enacted in Canada and the UK, the wording of the French law covered far more than comics; it extended to all publications for children.
Article three of the law stipulated that publications in France aimed at children would be regulated by a surveillance commission, to whom publishers had to submit five copies of all material after publication. The aim was to create a culture of self-censorship. It also meant that Catholic and Communist morality leagues played a crucial role in the regulation of the industry, as their representatives proved to be the most active members of this commission.
You must modify your text: there are to be no murders, no blood, and the villains must speak in a refined language without cursing A team of quite exceptional correctors scrutinises the texts, analyses them for their overall coherence, and so forth.
There is even a weekly meeting, under the direction of the most experienced members, which examines grammatical questions, recurring mistakes, etc. These were then listed on the back of the report This was well received.
How were these new norms for the series enacted and understood by those whose task it was to act as censor? She noted it was very common to cut passages and rewrite them Were they aware of the legislation regulating the trade? Schiray stated that she had never heard of the law, but she had been very concerned by the Catholic leagues. The correctors asked her to repair the damage. Crucially, she emphasised that it had been the thought of what the Catholic leagues might say, not the suitability of the material for children that had led her to such extremes While Schiray may not have been aware of the legislation, she was certainly worried about the reactions of its enforcers.
The largest publisher for children at the time certainly took the concerns of the Catholic leagues seriously. As Jude explained, when you cut a sentence, you then had to replace it with another.
She rather enjoyed this part of the process, because it allowed her to be creative. Although the department bought the rights to Blyton without too much thought, her books subsequently required a significant number of interventions. First, all clues to the origins of the books had to be scrupulously removed. The European radical right is ideologically anchored in nativist, racist, anti-immigrant ideologies Eger and Valdez Populism, by contrast, is best viewed as a political style. Empirical analysis of populism ought to center less on explicit ideological platforms, and more on observation of political performances and symbolic repertoires employed by politicians and by political actors on the ground.
The second reason the relationship between populism and gender therefore remains unclear is that rather than analyzing how gender relates to populist performances, scholarship which purports to study gender and the populist radical right tends to analyze the relationship between gender and radical-right ideologies. Additionally, the gendered symbolism and performances structuring contemporary populism help tie together nativist radical-right ideologies to populism.
Schippers , Through qualitative observations conducted from spring until July , and with a view of hegemonic gender as providing a rationale for all levels of social—and political—organization, I propose that gender hegemony needs to be understood as deeply structuring of populism. In the following, I first review existing scholarship on gender and the populist radical right, and argue that we need to isolate the populist features of radical-right populist parties, and then can also identify how hegemonic masculinity and femininity act as a glue symbolically tethering the radical right to populism.
I maintain that qualitative observations and interview methods are ideal for deciphering this relationship.
I then move to the empirical heart of the paper. I identify three gendered themes which permeated FN discourse and its symbolic ecology. The first theme is of MLP as a political daughter. She was seen as carrying the history of France, and the history of the party, in her very being. However, others rather saw MLP as a symbol of the future. MLP thus simultaneously symbolized feminized and masculinized virtues. This fertile gendered symbolic ecology was not only produced by the party, but also provided a framework through which FN supporters articulated their political critique, and expressed emotional attachments to their leader.
This gendered populist repertoire, especially the themes which emphasized her role as a mother caring for her people, and her masculine virility, tied radical-right nativism with populist repertoires. Finally, I briefly suggest that if a populist leader is seen as failing to actualize repertoires of gender hegemony, that leader is also criticized for doing so. Gendered political imagery and performances therefore anchor populism and tether it to radical-right ideologies.
However, it is a thin tightrope to walk, and failure to perform these scripts can disenchant followers. Research explaining patterns of support for populist radical-right parties in Europe, and the current crisis in European party politics, has largely focused on economic crisis and immigration as possible explanations for voter support of radical right-wing parties in Europe e. Arzheimer Some scholars note how economic crisis can breed antipathy to immigrants e. Rydgren , and can result in citizens losing trust in government and political elites Norris Mobilizing grievances against immigration is the only issue shared by all radical right-wing parties in Europe Ivarsflaten Others rather focus on the dynamics of party competition e.
Men have long been shown to be more likely to support radical right parties e. Some have compared cross-national voting behavior, however, and have concluded that the extent of the gender gap, wherein men are reportedly more likely to vote for populist radical-right parties, has been overstated, with a closing gender gap unfolding e. Mayer , ; Spierings and Zaslove Like work on the gender gap in support of radical-right parties, this work importantly surveys overall trends and transformations in party membership. Nonetheless, much of this scholarship does not analyze populism. Rather, it identifies the relationship between sex of voters or party members, and their attraction to, or dislike of, radical-right nativist ideologies.
Feminist scholars who have studied the radical right argue that gender ideologies are a central feature of radical-right parties. They therefore focus on the ideological content of populist right-wing parties and their relationship to the politics of gender and sexuality, and employ a thicker conception of gender. This research importantly shows how gender ideologies are central features of radical-right parties. Yet, with this work too, analysis focuses on the relationship between gender ideologies and the European radical right, rather than on the relationship between gender ideologies and populism.
Moffitt and Tormey , furthermore argue that populism is best viewed as a political style see also Jagerns and Walgrave Moffitt and Tormey emphasize that populism is especially effective in creating political identifications. Furthermore, Moffitt and Tormey contextualize contemporary populism within the increased mediation of politics, and the intensification of politics as spectacle. Moffitt and Tormey say nothing, however, about the place of gendered repertoires in populist style.
Some go even further and claim that gender analysis is not helpful in understanding populism. Although surprisingly few scholars have seriously considered the relationship between populist performances and gendered performative styles, existing work on populism can provide insights into this link. Scholars of Latin American populism have a keener awareness of the relationship between gendered performances and populism, even if they too have failed to notice that populism is a gendered performative repertoire. This work points to the rich symbolic repertoire of gendered performances employed by populist leaders, and how they are intimately taken up by populist supporters see Auyero This is true for both male and female radical-right populist leaders.
However, female populists can embody a potent fusion between both style and substance. Scholarship on gender and political communication illustrates how political power is equated with masculinity. Women politicians are often caught in a double bind. When they try to represent masculine styles of power and leadership, they can be perceived as too aggressive Jamieson Women leaders, including populist leaders such as MLP, are themselves active in constructing images which try to straddle the double bind Meret, Siim, and Pingaud Analyzed through the lens of sociological scholarship on hegemonic masculinity Connell and Messerschmidt and hegemonic femininity Schippers , we can identify more clearly how some female leaders have tried to overcome this double bind.
Schippers argues that hegemonic femininity is an intersectional performance of femininity and of heterosexuality, where women who perform hegemonic femininity reproduce hierarchies of race, sexuality, gender, and class; and, at the same time, reproduce masculine domination over women.
Women leaders try to enact hegemonic masculinity in order to project power and leadership, yet are then punished electorally and within their own political parties by transgressing into what Schippers calls pariah femininity. Pariah femininity is a performance of femininity which contains the quality contents of hegemonic masculinity, and which contaminates the putatively natural relationship between masculinity and femininity as complementary, heterosexual, and hierarchical. Failure to balance hegemonic femininity and masculinity is fatal for women leaders.
Populist women, however, can play the role of mother of the nation to great effect, invoking strongly cathectic dimensions among supporters. As feminists have long argued, nationalist projects focus on women as symbols of national belonging and reproduction see Korteweg and Yurdakal ; Scrinzi ; Yuval-Davis Historian Joan B. Landes argues that French political culture at the time of the French Revolution was permeated with visual imagery equating the French nation with an eroticized, nubile, female body.
Since populists structure themselves as contrary to professional political elites, whose rational-bureaucratic credentials are the source of their political legitimacy, populism relies even more heavily on hegemonic masculinity and femininity compared with other political styles in democratic party politics. Historian George L. Military virility became embedded in ideals of formation of masculine character and national citizenship. Male populist leaders across the political spectrum emphasize such military virility in distinguishing themselves from effeminate, or feminine, technocratic elites, and in representing the people.
Yet, it is not only male populists who can embody these ideals of masculinity. Right-wing women populists embody masculine and feminine nationalist virtues in their claim to be of the people. Gendered symbolism acts as a glue linking populist repertoires to radical-right ideologies see Diagram A1. A former military officer, she blends vulgar straight talk with maternal care and canny sartorial choices, and has even dared to express her ambition to be Defense Minister, an Israeli cabinet post often reserved for former military generals.
They proclaim their personal moral authority and a caring ethic as mothers, sisters, wives, widows, or daughters, for the purposes of accentuating their devotion to the people. This is combined, at the same time, by their masculine representation of anti-elitism and representations of the people. Populism is thus thin in meaning Laclau , and becomes more meaningful once filled with ideological content from right-wing or left-wing ideologies.
Populist performances furthermore link style to substance, through the enactment of hegemonic gender. As with all enactments of hegemonic gender, populism perpetuates intersectional hierarchies, and masculine domination. Populism, whether on the left or the right, is a stylistic repertoire which not only represents the people against elites, but also represents pervasive gender ideologies. Populist repertoires are therefore enactments of gender ideologies, but not in ways conventionally understood in debates around whether or not populism is an ideology or a style. I spent six continuous months observing FN milieux in the southeast of France, focusing on the town of Carpentras, towns around Avignon, and in and around the city of Nice.
FNJ members were more diverse in class and geographic location. Table A1 Summary of interviewees. This generational comparison made it possible to capture how older adherents viewed the leadership transition from father to daughter, and in comprehending how young activists, some of whom might have once voted center-right, have become FN supporters and activists, their attitudes towards contemporary politics and gender politics, and why they are attracted to a populist leader at a time of intense mediatization of politics.
Within an organization with more men than women Mayer , the interviewee sample includes more men than women. Observations and interviews enabled me to identify the production of gendered populist repertoires beyond national party media production, and to observe how these repertoires were interpreted and made meaningful by those I observed see Chabal and Daloz ; Girard ; Schatz The first were the more professionalized politicians who operated on the temporal horizon of the present and immediate future.
Numerous members of the Le Pen clan have worked within the party. The party was founded in out of a charged ideological and organizational battle among multiple radical-right groups. JMLP emerged victorious as the political leader who could maintain a balance of power between several factions, while concentrating leadership in his hands.
The result has been a deep personalization of leadership within the party see Lebourg Although she has now taken a leave from politics, she could receive a standing ovation by merely walking into a party event. The feeling of being part of a family extended outside FN political leadership.
Jean-Marie was too tempestuous. He took positions which were too divisive. Most people agreed with Marine. Before the summer of , FN party theatrics proudly staged a narrative of dynastic continuity at the heart of the party. She was placed front and center as she delivered her speech, with her father proudly seated on the stage next to her.
MLP also ties herself to Joan of Arc, the fifteenth-century heroine who was canonized in The FN has long capitalized on Joan of Arc symbolism, a bricolage combining an implicitly Catholic reference, and a message of national grandeur, as embodied through a female warrior heroine Lecoeur In France we are used to strong women who lead.
Our emblem, after all, is Joan of Arc, who saved France from occupying English forces and who enabled the monarchy to be restored. So we have a connection to the warrior woman who is very strong. In addition to representing the history of the party, the history of her family, and the history of France, MLP was linked to French blood. The FN has been actively recruiting young new members, with the FNJ acting as a key recruitment organ, encouraging them to join the FN municipal electoral lists.
At the same time as young adherents claimed to see MLP as symbolizing French grandeur and the history of the party, they also saw MLP as a break from the past. Some perceived her as representing a woman of the times, and even leading the way to the future. The party, in their eyes, had therefore always been the party by and for the young. JMLP, however, was a political figure who had passed into irrelevancy. One young male FNJ leader explained:.
Jean-Marie Le Pen is a man of the twentieth century, who participated in the Algerian war, who participated in the war in Indochina. He is marked by his times, even if he was open to modern problems. But someone who is modern, who is young like Mrs. Marine Le Pen, is by definition more up-to-date with what is going on today. Nathalie, an activist in her 20s who had joined the FNJ at the age of 16, and who self-identified as working class, believed that MLP brought change to the party.
As a young woman who could barely make a living as a salesperson in a jewelry shop, she believed that MLP understood her difficulties:. There are a lot of young people looking for work, and who have a hard time finding work. She is … more human, one could say. The return to the nation is something which I find modern.
MLP had given Nicole the confidence to become active in politics, and helped her realize that her commitments and experience as a mother could prepare her for politics. Nicole rapidly moved up the party ranks, taking on regional and national leadership roles. She teased some of the young men in the FN who would argue over whether they were more Gaullist or Bonapartist. I am Marinist! Marine Le Pen basically embodies this image of a woman who is a mother and who has succeeded politically. She has nothing but love for her country and the desire to fix it.
Nathalie, the young accessory shop-seller, described MLP as a realistic model for strong, liberated women:. Marine Le Pen is a good example.