Annio da Viterbo e il Decretum (Progetto memoria) (Italian Edition)

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Some of the University's important annual events are as follows:. Dominican feast of Bl. Hyacinthe-Marie Cormier. Generally administration offices remain open until the end of July, are closed for the month of August, and reopen in early September. The Angelicum campus is located in the historic center of Rome , Italy on the Quirinal hill in the section or rione of the eternal city known as Monti. It is situated near the beginning of via Nazionale just above the ruins of Trajan's Market , the via dei Fori Imperiali , and Piazza Venezia.

The site of the Angelicum is recorded in history sometime before the year bearing the name Magnanapoli with a church dedicated to the Blessed Virgin Mary. The nature of the site before the 9th century is uncertain. One theory holds that its name Magnanapoli derives from the expression Bannum Nea Polis or "fort of the new city" from the adjacent Byzantine military citadel which included the Torre delle Milizie Rome's oldest extant tower.

This was followed in by a convent for Dominican nuns. The church's double staircase was added in by sculptor architect Orazio Torriani. In the religious community was expropriated by the Italian government. The Order was able to reacquire the complex in from the Italian government. After extensive renovation and additions the Angelicum and a convent of Dominican Friars was installed there. Today the University occupies approximately the entire ground level of the complex.

The remaining portion, approximately the second and third levels around the cloister together with subterranean spaces, constitutes a convent for the community of Dominican Friars that serves the University. The main entrance of the Angelicum immediately to the right of the Church of Saints Dominic and Sixtus was built into the existing structure in the early s as part of the renovations undertaken to accommodate the Angelicum at its new site.

A wide flight of stairs leads to a Palladian motif portico above which are mounted a Dominican shield bearing one of the Order's mottos "laudare, benedicere, praedicare" to praise, bless, and preach on the right, and the escutcheons of Pope Pius XI [] who was reigning when the Pontificium Institutum Internationale Angelicum opened its doors in , on the left. The main entrance of the Angelicum was used in as a location in the film "Manuale d'amore 3". Under the entrance portico are two statues c.

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Thomas Aquinas on the right. The base of the statue of Aquinas bears an inscription attributed to Pope Pius XI, "Sanctus Thomas Doctor angelicus hic tamquam domi suae habitat," Saint Thomas the Angelic Doctor dwells here as in his own house , a paraphrase of the papal encyclical Studiorum ducem that singles out the Angelicum as the preeminent Thomistic center of learning: "ante omnia Pontificium Collegium Angelicum, ubi Thomam tamquam domi suae habitare dixeris".

The Angelicum's statue of Aquinas is Aureli's second version of this work. The first version of [] looms majestically over the Sala di Consultazione or main reference room of the Vatican Library. Thomas seated, in his left arm holds the Summa theologica while extending his right arm in the act of protecting Christian science. Thus, he does not sit on the cathedra of a doctor but on the throne of a sovereign protector; he extends his arm to reassure, not to demonstrate.

He wears on his head the doctoral birettum of the traditional type which reveals the face and expression of a profoundly educated person The immortal book that he clutches, the powerful arm that extends to affirm sacred science and to halt the audacity of error, are truly grand, and in the words of Leo XIII, have equaled the genius of all other great teachers.

Thomas d'Aquin dans leur oratoire. A central cloister with garden and fountain forms the heart of campus. The two basins of the ancient fountain are fed by the Acqua Felice aqueduct, one of the aqueducts of Rome , and the first new aqueduct of early modern Rome, completed in by Pope Sixtus V [] whose birth name was Felice Peretti. It also feeds the fountain by Giovanni Battista Soria c. Arched porticos designed by Vignola but completed after his death flank the cloister.

Ten arches on the long sides and seven on the short are sustained by pilasters in the Tuscan style rising from high plinths. A simple frieze with smooth triglyphs and metopes separates lower from upper levels. Eleven classrooms encircle the cloister, the last of which, the Aula della Sapienza Hall of Wisdom is the site of the University's doctoral defenses.

Also located off the cloister are the administration offices and the Sala delle Colonne , a reception room with antique marble columns and arched ceilings bearing traces of late Renaissance style frescos, which initially housed a library. On the second level encircling the cloister are the living quarters of Dominican professors and the Sala del Senato Academic Senate Room. The latter was the Chapter room of the convent and is appointed with a 14th-century triptych of Saint Andrew by Lippo Vanni , [] a 13th-century crucifix, and a full-body relic of an unidentified saint encased in Imperial Roman armor.

To the east of the Sala delle Colonne is the Aula Magna Giovanni Paolo II , a raked semicircular auditorium with seating for people that was constructed during s renovations by Roman engineer Vincenzo Passarelli — The adjacent Aula Minor San Raimondo seats people. Beyond these auditoria are the university's cafe, the Angelicum Bookshop, and the university's library.

The Palazzo dei Decanati Deans' Building is located at the West edge of campus just inside the main gates. The West boundary of the Angelicum is formed by the Salita del Grillo.

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The main part of the Angelicum library consists of that part of the textual patrimony of the Angelicum not expropriated by the Italian government with the Biblioteca Casanatense in At the convent of Saints Sixtus and Dominic the library originally housed 40, volumes in the Sala delle Colonne. As the library grew space was found under the Aula Magna for a library whose large windows face out to the palm trees of the Angelicum walled garden. Among the library's treasures is included the original copy of the doctoral thesis Doctrina de fide apud S.

On the south side of campus the walled garden is bordered by private properties. At the garden entrance stands a fountain by Giovanni Battista Soria built circa In in this garden the young student Karol Wojtyla, future Pope John Paul II, would stroll and visit daily what he called the "miraculous tree", an ancient olive from which springs incredibly the branches of a palm, a fig, and a laurel.

The church has been the subject of numerous works of art. In the 18th century Antonio Canaletto made a pen and ink study with grey wash and black chalk, today in the collection of the British Museum , described as depicting "the Church of SS Domenico e Sisto, Rome; with a sweeping double staircase to the entrance, in the foreground a man bowing to two approaching ladies".

Sargent used the architectural features from this painting later in a portrait of Charles William Eliot , President of Harvard University from to The northern flank of campus borders via Panisperna across from the perimeter wall of the Roman Villa Aldobrandini, a 17th-century princely villa whose gardens were truncated by the construction of Via Nazionale in the 19th century, and which today houses the headquarters of the International Institute for the Unification of Private Law UNIDROIT.

The Angelicum Alumni Achievement Award is conferred upon alumni who have distinguished themselves by serving the Church's mission in exceptional ways. The Pope John Paul II Lecture on Interreligious Understanding is delivered towards the end of each academic year and features a world religious leader or renowned expert who embodies the ideals of inter-religious understanding. The lecture is a major event at the Angelicum and attracts the Roman academic community as well as the international diplomatic community.

To date the Annual Lecture has hosted an array of prominent and Internationally known academics and religious leaders as key note speakers. This Latin phrase literally translated as the charity of truth appears in The City of God [] by St. Augustine of Hippo , and is quoted by St. Dei , Otium sanctum quaerit caritas veritatis; negotium justum, scilicet vitae activae, suscipit necessitas caritatis ," [] which Aldous Huxley translates in The Perennial Philosophy as: "The love of Truth seeks holy leisure; the necessity of love undertakes righteous action.

The Angelicum does not currently have a school song. Academic dress for Angelicum graduates consists of a black toga or academic gown with trim to follow the color of the faculty, and an academic ring. In addition, for the Doctorate degree a four corned biretta is to be worn, and for the Licentiate degree a three corned biretta is to be worn. For those holding doctoral degrees from a pontifical university or faculty "the principal mark of a Doctor's dignity is the four horned biretta. The biretta is lay in origin and was adopted by the Church in the 14th century: "Many synods ordered the use of this cap [the pileus or skull cap] as a substitute for the hood, and in one instance the synod of Bergamo, , ordered the clergy to wear the ' bireta on their heads after the manner of laymen'.

The Olympic motto Citius, Altius, Fortius Faster, Higher, Stronger was coined by Henri Didon for a Paris youth gathering in , and later proposed as the official Olympic motto by his friend Pierre de Coubertin in and made official in Didon completed his theological studies at the College of Saint Thomas in The Clericus Cup is a soccer tournament that takes place annually between the various pontifical universities of Rome.

The teams are composed of seminarians, priests, and lay students studying in each of the pontifical universities. The league was started by Cardinal Secretary of State , Tarcisio Bertone who is an unapologetic football fan. The Angelicum first participated in , and came in 2nd place in During the history of the Clericus Cup, players have come from 65 countries, with the majority coming from Brazil, Italy, Mexico, and the United States. The annual tournament is organized by the Centro Sportivo Italiano. Officially, the goal of the league is to "reinvigorate the tradition of sport in the Christian community.

In November Minerva the Owl was voted in as the Angelicum mascot. The Angelicum does not provide housing primarily intended for lay students. The Lay Centre at Foyer Unitas is an international college for lay students within walking distance of the Angelicum. The Convitto San Tommaso was established by the Dominican Order in as a place of residence in Rome for secular priests who come to the Rome in order to pursue higher studies at one or other of the Roman Universities. There are approximately 55 student priests. They come from five continents of the world. Three Dominicans live in the house to serve the practical and spiritual needs of the house: the Rector, the Spiritual Director, and the Bursar.

The life of the house focuses on daily celebration of the Eucharist. ASPUST offers services to students and prospective students of the Angelicum such as information about health services and insurance, information about apartment hunting, other services relating to public transportation, computers, cafeterias, and a blog that reports on student activities.

Located on near the University Library, it specializes in ecclesiastical literature, Italian and foreign language literature, and provides stationery, photo-reproduction, computer, and bindery services. Hours during the academic year are am to pm and pm to pm. It is closed Saturdays and the month of August. For a more complete list of notable Angelicum faculty throughout its history see List of people associated with the Pontifical University of St.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Italy but extraterritorial of the Holy See. Further information: List of people associated with the Pontifical University of St. Retrieved 25 April In the scholastic tradition Aquinas has been called "Doctor Angelicus" since the 15th century. Et ideo Christus talem vitam elegit. Duggan, J. Greatrex, B. Bolton, L. Boyle, , p. Archived from the original on 18 June Retrieved 3 September Cum igitur certum hospitium non haberetis in Urbe, ubi eo forsan plus prodesse potestis, quo ibi tam indigene, quam extranei congregantur: Nos tam vobis, quam multorum utilitati consulere cupientes, Ecclesiam S.

Mandonnet, St. Dominic and His Work , , Ch. III, note "If the installation at Santa Sabina does not date from , at least it is from The official grant was made only in June, Bullarium O. But the terms of the bull show that there had been a concession earlier. Before that concession the Pope said that the friars had no hospitium in Rome. At that time St. Sixtus was no longer theirs; Conrad of Metz could not have alluded to St. Sixtus, therefore, when he said in "the Pope has conferred on them a house in Rome" Laurent no.

It is possible that the Pope was waiting for the completion of the building that he was having done at Santa Sabina, before giving the title to the property, on 5 June , to the new Master of the Order, elected not many days before. Walz, , "Conventus S. Sabinae de Urbe prae ceteris gloriam singularem ex praesentia fundatoris ordinis et primitivorum fratrum necnon ex residentia Romana magistrorum generalium, si de ea sermo esse potest, habet.

In documentis quidem eius nonnisi anno nomen fit, ait certe iam antea nostris concreditus est. Florebant ibi etiam studia sacra. After receiving the religious habit from St. Dominic in and an abbreviated novitiate they became missionaries and spread the Order in their homelands. Dominic" , J.

Weisheipl, Thome de Aquino iniungimus in remissionem peccatorum quod teneat studium Rome.

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Mulchahey, "First the bow is bent in study": Dominican education before , , p. Accessed 31 December Torrell, Saint Thomas Aquinas , vol. Robert Royal, Catholic University, , ff. Qui et fuit in pluribus capitulis diffinitor, postmodum prior perusinus; demum factus prior in Sancta Sabina, per papam Honorium de Sabello residentem ibidem, propter suam laudabilem vitam et celebrem opinionem que de ipso erat in romana curia, factus est [] episcopus florentinus" Cr Pg 29v. Tommaso a Parigi nel novembre del Cuius sollicita procuratione conventus perusinus meruit habere gratiam a summo pontifice papa Benedicto XI ecclesiam scilicet et parrochiam Sancti Stephani tempore quo [maggio ipse prior actu in Perusio erat Cr Pg 38r.

Retrieved 22 August Walz, Herder , Romanus conventus S. Mariae supra Minervam anno ex conditionibus parvis crevit. Pancratium migratis fratres Praedicatores domum illam relictam a Summo Pontifice habendam petierunt et impetranint. Qua demum feliciter obtenda capellam hospitio circa annum adiecerunt. Huc evangelizandi causa fratres e conventu S. Sabinae descendebant. Aretini constat. Fomae vero docuisse tradunt Fontana et Altamura, aliique recentiores, eos Touron excipit, qui etiam refert praefecturam Minervitani Coenobii; de his omnibus silent articult necrologici.

Retrieved 30 August Archived from the original on 16 July Retrieved 1 September Albert the Great, Christopher J. Renz, p. Echard, Scriptores Ordinis praedicatorum, II, pp. Retrieved 10 August Marescotti: Florence Renzi, p. Solano O. Vi si accedeva per meriti intellettuali e, usufruendo di molte dispense, non si era distolti da altre occupazioni nel proprio impegno di studio e di ricerca.

De Arriaga-M. Appleton and Company. Retrieved 2 January Michael D. Torre, Ashley, ch. II, , Juan Caramuel Lobkowitz : enciclopedia e probabilismo , eds. Daniele Sabaino and Paolo C. Fidei et de Papae Infallib. Fidei, Morum, etc , quaest. Vacant, E. Mangenor and E. XIV, p. Cloche, il Collegio di S.

Thomae Romanum aggregatum conventui nostro s. Mariae super Minervam, ipsique collegio nostro Romano concedimus privilegia, quibus studia generalia seu universitates in ordine nostro per capitula generalia instituta potiuntur et gaudent, approbantes omnes ordinationes a magistris ordinis pro bono regimine huius studii seu collegii a tempore suae erectionis factas, ita tamen ut magistri ordinis eas innovare et immutare valeant, cum ad ratiorem studii vel observantiae regularis rigorem et studentium profectum expedire iudicaverint.

University of Chicago Press — via Google Books. Archived from the original on 17 May Archived from the original on 24 August Retrieved 29 June Archived from the original on 27 September Retrieved 21 August Archived from the original on 14 April Retrieved 8 February Renz, Archived from the original on 13 December Retrieved 20 August Ashley, O.

Archived from the original on 21 March Retrieved 1 February Archived from the original on 9 October Retrieved 1 August Albert the Great ". Dominican School — via Google Books. Archived from the original on 10 December Retrieved 2 August Accessed 9 June ; Studiorum Ducem : "Par erit autem hanc almam Urbem, in qua Magisterium Sacri Palatii aliquandiu gessit Aquinas, ad haec agenda solemnia principem exsistere: sanctaeque laetitiae significationibus ante omnia Pontificium Collegium Angelicum, ubi Thomam tamquam domi suae habitare dixeris, tum quae praeterea Romae adsunt Clericorum Athenaea ceteris sacrorum studiorum domiciliis praestare.

Fabro, "Breve introduzione al tomismo," Roma, , Ch. Zigliara, A. Hugon, A. Garrigou-Lagrange n. Cordovani Archived from the original on 18 July Retrieved 27 April Jean Leclercq, Di grazia in grazia: memorie , Archived from the original PDF on 17 July Retrieved 26 May Ianuarii, A. Paul, Archived from the original on 22 July Retrieved 23 April CS1 maint: Archived copy as title link.

Archived from the original on 16 August Archived from the original PDF on 8 January Retrieved 4 December Archived from the original on 6 May Retrieved 21 May Retrieved 14 March Archived from the original on 4 March Charles Seminary, Nagpur India ". Archived from the original on 6 July Mary's Priory — Website of St. Mary's Dominican Priory, Tallaght".

Archived from the original on 24 February Archived from the original on 23 December Retrieved 13 November The New York Times. Retrieved 28 May Archived from the original on 23 February Click on "School Code Search". Archived from the original on 24 May Retrieved 8 September Iunii a. In questo frattempo nel Vaticano usciva compiuta dallo scapello dell'insigne artista Cesare Aureli la magnifica statua di S. Tommaso d'Aquino Tommaso seduto, nella sinistra tiene il libro della Summa theologica , mentre stende la destra in atto di proteggere la scienza cristiana. Quindi non siede sulla cattedra di dottore, ma sul trono di sovrano protettore; stende il braccio a rassicurare, non a dimostrare.

Ha in testa il dottorale berretto, e conservando il suo tipo tradizionale, rivela nel volto e nell'atteggiamento l'uomo profondamente dotto. Quel libro immortale che stringe: quel braccio potente, che sis stende ad affermare la scienza sacra, e ad infrenare l'audacia errore, sono veramente del grande, il quale, secondo il detto di Leone XIII, ha eguagliato il genio di tutti gli altri grandi maestri. Thomas d'Aquin dans leur oratoire". Collegio Angelico — via Google Books. Domenico e Sisto". Archived from the original on 23 September Retrieved 6 December Pietro sino ai nostri by Gaetano Moroni, Angela Prinzi holds a Ph.

Lorenzo Riccardi earned his Ph. His research is mainly focused on the reception of Greek and Latin ancient texts in medieval and modern times, with particular attention to the transmission of Greek culture in South Italy during the Late Middle Ages. He is also very interested in the impact of ancient scientific texts on the formation of modern thought. La cultura ebraica scritta tra Basilicata e Puglia, by M. Canfora, by N. Schiano et al. Gioacchino Strano, Professor of Greek Literature and Byzantine Civi- lization at the University of Calabria, investigates the links between rhetoric and politics in the Byzantine culture.

His other fields of research include the relationship between center and periphery in the Byzantine Empire and the relations between Byzantium and Armenia. Cristina Torre, after obtaining Ph. Her main research interests are: Stephen of Byzantium, his- torians of the age of Justinian, Italo-Greek monasticism, Italo-Greek hagiography. Among his research inter- ests there are: the history of the presence of Islam in Italy and the history of the West Mediterranean Spain, Italy, North Africa.

His last books include Storie di parole arabe. Un racconto mediterraneo, Ponte alle Grazie, Milano ; Quando guidavano le stelle.

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Introduction Barbara Crostini. Thus, the endeavor of putting together an English-language volume that could reflect the state-of-the-art international scholarship on this particular region, time and subject was conceived and developed, and this volume of collected essays is its final outcome. Together, the two parts provide a solid introduc- tion and offer in-depth studies with original outcomes and wide-ranging bibliographies. We have been fortunate in receiving contributions from leading scholars in this field and believe that we have achieved our goal of creating a volume that will disseminate their work more broadly and thereby stimulate further research.

Southern Italy see Figure I. It is not only regional through its being on the margins of the Italian peninsula and in-between the Eastern Byzantine and the Western Latin empires, but also compartmentalized as it is further frac- tioned within itself into a number of individual local realities that defeat attempts at more general characterizations. Figure I. The fascination of this territory has consisted, from the early middle ages, precisely in this unique encounter of languages, ethnicities, reli- gions and civilizations: from the ninth-century Arab conquests in Sicily and Calabria,2 to the extensive Jewish presence in the south of Puglia,3 the indigenous Byzantine Christians had a lot to learn, to cope with, and define themselves against, even before thinking about any distinc- tion with their Latin co-religionists,4 who later came embodied in the shape of conquering Norman powers.

The Reverend David Hester sets out the spiritual outline of Southern Italian monasticism by draw- ing out thematically the strands of observance and asceticism found in the hagiographies. While some of the steps towards the attainment of spiritual maturity consist of virtues such as humility and detachment, other features are primarily practical, consisting of activities such as prayer, work, and cor- rect interaction with both people and nature. The normative aspect of monastic life is brought home by the detailed survey of the extant rules, or typika, redacted for South Italian coeno- bia, often by the respective founders, but at times anonymously.

Cris- tina Torre presents the evidence, including some aspects of manuscript transmission, problems of authorship and chronology, testing traditional regional divisions and probing the texts for their sources and impact. But it is often in the degree of detail that these documents vary, leaving us to some extent surprised by the minutiae that were worthy of consideration from time to time, and wondering too quite how these rules matched each reality. While the rules lay down that the community should wait up to three years for the return from Jerusalem of the abbot appointed as successor, in practice Gregory appointed his successor him- self on the point of death, thus overstepping both the rule and his own previous choice of successor.

Travel outside the community is an inter- esting case of tension between the rules of stability and belonging and the custom of pilgrimages, about which we have many accounts from hagiographies. In discussing the text of Casole, an Apulian foundation famous for his erudite abbot, Nicholas, at the beginning of the thirteenth century, Torre stresses the symbolic import of food rituals and fasting, that show how this monastery is indebted to Byzantine customs beyond its literary dependence on Stoudite traditions.

Torre succeeds in present- ing an ample panorama of monastic rules without omitting details, while at the same time being able to point to the broader implications regarding allegiance to specific spiritual traditions, as far as these can be determined and discriminated from each other. Vera von Falkenhausen accompanies us beyond the limits of the deep- most South, across to Campania and Southern Latium, and we could hardly ask for a better guide. Her expertise in the field is witnessed by innumerable citations of her work in each bibliography; yet one admires the freshness of the approach as in each contribution von Falkenhausen takes a different angle and delivers new evidence with unfailing sharpness.

With characteristic assurance, von Falkenhausen handles the documentary evidence and demonstrates her central concern, that the phenomenon of monastic communities in those areas reflected a constant flux of immigrants into these regions, from the South, and, in turn, from Eastern areas that belonged to Byzantium. Like today, people come to new regions with a cultural baggage that does not easily fall away even in new circumstances. The struggle to maintain the Greek language and rituals is successful so long as the foundations could keep a substan- tial independence with respect to larger local institutions, such as Latin Benedictine houses.

Gregorian legislation against private foundations at the end of the eleventh century and its subsequent implementation in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries resulted in a loss of independence, which impacted negatively on the preservation of Greek customs. A salutary reminder that not all that is Italo-Greek is necessarily monastic comes from the voice of art-historian Lorenzo Riccardi, whose presentation of monumental art and architecture from the territory of Calabria is a fascinating journey into the material remains of the region.

Riccardi points out with honesty the often insoluble difficulties of distin- guishing between monastic and cathedral architectures, especially when keeping in mind the transitory character of some foundations and the possible change of destination and use over time of the individual struc- tures.

In monumental decoration, monastic saints are selected as subjects besides sacred scenes. Lay and aristocratic patronage, as well as other forms of destination, need to be taken into account for this region as well. The quality of the paintings also provides an important indication of the background to their execution. Their dating, depending mainly upon stylistic appreciation, is often one of the most problematic aspects, despite being fundamental for a contextualized interpretation.

New systematizations of primary materials and detailed studies include socio-economic and psychological perspectives, amply made use of in this volume. Mas- tering such corpus is not something quickly or easily done, and relying on the work of scholars who have dedicated years of study to a few of these texts reveals the many problems and issues that they contain.

It is not clear, however, that distinctive and all-encompassing traits can be gathered that satisfac- torily define Southern Italian hagiography as such. Mario Re discusses this problem, and finds some mileage in the characterization of Southern Italian saints as being close to the land and the people who worked the land, that is, as essentially rural rather than urban saints. These saints tied to their landscape often inhabit its most impervious places, such as the rock-cut cave dwellings still visible today. Yet while the Italo-Greek saint is almost invariably also a monk — to the extent that sanctity and monasticism merge indistinguishably —, the heremitical vocation is only one aspect of this choice.

Stephanos Efthymiades emphasizes the social role of saints in negotiating Christian ideals for the laity. By analyzing the tenth-century Lives of Sabas, Christopher and Makarios, she emphasizes how such networks replace the idea of severing oneself from family ties for ascetic purposes. While detachment may be good for spiritual life, it is in fact in the mutual care that parents and siblings take of each other in a hostile world that the tenuous shoot of the love for God can flourish and find a concrete out- come in a saintly life.

That the author of this triple Life is named as Orestes, patriarch of Jerusalem, testifies on the other hand to the spreading networks of fame departing from Southern Italy, and reminds one of the influx of Palestin- ian monks into those regions around the ninth and tenth centuries. The question of influences in style and rituals, and the balancing act that the local realities made between this ideal of Byzantine practice and the more mixed local customs, influenced also by the closeness to Latin-rite places and Rome itself, is a recurrent issue in the assessment of the region and its inhabitants.

This episode can be considered a con- crete reverberation of the theological issues concerning the understand- ing of the eucharistic sacrifice that were one of the dividing factors in the schism between the churches. The third saint chosen by Strano, Bartholomew of Simeri, founder of the Patir monastery near Rossano, opens up the world of Southern Italy to the interaction with Byzantium.

As Riccardi also noted, this influx in turn stimulates and inspires local production, not least in the area of manuscript copying and illustration. Riccardi touches on the peculiarities of this local production, so indicative of indigenous cultural choices and aesthetic horizons, and a sign of the literature available to the monks in this region. Signs of strife between compet- ing ideals are reflected back onto issues of ethnicity and provenance, as the documents from Athos analyzed by Morini attest.

Nevertheless, a continued interest of this central monastic community or rather, federa- tion of communities in the best products of the Italo-Greek experience of ascesis is both attested and continues down to modern times. This first more general part is concluded by the essay by Claudio Schi- ano on Nicholas of Otranto, whom we have already mentioned above as the most famous abbot of Casole in Puglia. This exceptionally learned monk is presented as a singular witness to the complex relations that had to be negotiated between papal obedience and a deep understanding and sense of belonging to the Byzantine tradition.

One by one, we encoun- ter in this section the themes already broached in the opening part, but through different sources. We begin with issues of interfaith and intercul- tural interaction, with the Jewish and Muslim world respectively, in the essays by Giancarlo Lacerenza and Alessandro Vanoli. Lacerenza takes us step by step through the purportedly anti-Jewish passages of the Life, which are mainly known through the episode s of the encounter with the figure of the Jewish doctor, Shabbetai Donnolo.

Lacerenza is able to expose the biblical and other traditional references that underlie the literary construction of these passages in the hagiography, and to at least partially explain through these references the otherwise puzzling situ- ations described as historical in the Life. Particularly significant is the episode in which a man whose relative had killed a Jew is threatened with crucifixion.

Neilos intercedes for this innocent man by addressing the Jewish judge with an exhortation to honor the Old Testament law, cast- ing the terms of this law in seemingly ambiguous, but ultimately biblical, terms. The anachronistic nature of crucifixion as a punishment pushes the meaning onto a different plane of reasoning, where, however, men- tion of these references still operates a semantic transfer and allows for a meaningful exchange and outcome between the parties concerned.

It is rather our problem to decode quite how these relationships functioned, but that they did take place outside blanket exchanges of prejudiced insults is a tribute to the shared dignity of both parties in the workings of this mixed society. Vanoli also stresses the daily presence of Muslims in the region, and recalls the building of a mosque in tenth-century Reggio.

This fact creates a significant parallel between Reggio and Constantinople, where similarly the use of a mosque masgida for Muslim prisoners and merchants is recorded in the sources from that time. The next two papers are more narrowly focused on questions of interpretation. This essay is a good example of how philological investigation, even when limited to one curious word, can open up a world of resonances and significances for those who take the time to look into the value of linguistic choices.

Andrea Luzzi certainly belongs to this group of careful philologists. Like his teacher, Enrica Follieri, he can pause and ask of the text all the possible nuances and implications. The passage, or rather, the lacuna in the transmitted Greek text that he is analyzing for this volume is one such instance. With sure hand, Luzzi leads us through the hazards of manu- script transmission, and warns against easy conclusions when looking at material evidence.

The now-missing leaves in a Grottaferrata manuscript contained a passage whose contents are now only preserved in the Latin translation by Cardinal Guglielmo Sirleto d. Scholars who have examined the matter, among them Follieri herself and recently Stefano Caruso, have put forward the hypothesis of voluntary curtailing — in other words, of intentional censuring — of the text, due to the compromising contents of the episode.

Nevertheless, Luzzi re-examines both the context of the passage, and the practical dynamics of manuscript transmission, indicating that cause of the lacuna is unlikely to have been anything other than accidental, and, further, that the compromising passage with alleg- edly homoerotic overtones is in fact much less damning in this sense than previously thought.

Surely, one learns a lot in the process about the transmission of the Life and its read- ership by cardinals, scholars and the wider audience of monastic and lay communities interested in the Life of this saint. Kalhous invokes a re-evaluation of the evidence. Adal- bert is depicted as a restless person, likely of noble origins, who could have served as the bishop to his home church had he not in fact desired even greater challenges. It is not surprising that Benedict is known to the East, as his Life, included in the Dialogues by Pope Greg- ory the Great, was translated into Greek by Pope Zacharias soon after its composition.

Yet while living this idea of transitoriness, Neilos did establish a heritage that outlasted him. Prinzi takes us back and forth between the Rossanese origins, reflected onto Bartholomew from Neilos, and the new place of Grottaferrata, where Bartholomew lived the first moves of the new community together with Neilos, all the while looking at how the tradition about him was retrospectively enriched and modified ad hoc to fit the new needs of the community. Emblematic is the example of the interaction between Saint Bartholomew and Pope Ben- edict IX Thephylact of Tusculum , where the pope then also anti-pope is not only helped by the saint to repent of his sin, but also led to join the monastic community after renouncing the pontificate.

With the subtle manipulation of the details of the story of Bartholomew, we are led by Prinzi full-circle to the living tradition of Italo-Greek monasticism, from its cultural roots in Calabria to its vital expansion and sustenance at the doors of Rome. We hope to stimulate the readers to continue in the discovery of his Life as a first-hand guide to Southern Italian Byzantine monasticism. Notes 1 Murzaku, Capra and Milewski See Chib- nall , 75—; Loud and Metcalfe For the production of the later period, see the list of manuscripts assembled in Arnesano Much work remains to be done, and this field too is very complex and defies simple classifications.

For an essential historical introduction, see Cowdrey Bibliography Acconcia Longo, Augusta. Arnesano, Daniele. Galatina: Mario Congedo Editore. Chibnall, Marjorie. The Normans. Oxford: Blackwell. Cowdrey, John. Oxford: Clar- endon Press. Crostini, Barbara. Versione greca di papa Zaccaria, ed.

Efthymiades, Stephanos. Fisher, S. Papaioannou and D. Sullivan, — Leiden: Brill. Galdi, Amanda. Moyen Age [online] Hutter, Irmgard. Kreutz, Barbara M. Southern Italy in the Ninth and Tenth Centuries. Phila- delphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Loud, Graham and A. Metcalfe, eds. The Society of Norman Italy. Life of St. Neilos of Rossano, Translation, Edition and Commentary.

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  3. A Man for Amanda (Calhoun Women Book 2);
  4. Frère Jacques.
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Dumbarton Oaks Mediaeval Texts in Translation. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Oldfield, Paul. Sanctity and Pilgrimage in Medieval Southern Italy, — Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Parenti, Stefano. Il monastero di Grottaferrata, segni e per- corsi di una identita'. Orientalia christiana analecta Rome: Pontificio Isti- tuto Orientale. Patlagean, E. III, 5: — Peters-Custot, Annick. Bochumer Altertumwissenschaftliches Colloquium Trier: Wissen- schaftlicher Verlag Trier. Re, Mario. Aldershot: Ashgate. Safran, Linda. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.

Siecienski, Edward. The Papacy and the Orthodox. Sources and History of a Debate. Oxford: OUP. Skinner, Patricia. Medieval Amalfi and its Diaspora, — Oxford: Oxford University Press. Smith III, M. And Taking Bread. Cerularius and the Azyme Contro- versy of Paris: Beauchesne. Woods, David. Bochumer Altertumwissen- schaftliches Colloquium Trier: Wissenschaftlicher Verlag Trier.

Part I. Throughout the three and a half centuries of Italo-Greek monastic life preserved in the surviving bioi of the great Italo-Greek spiritual Fathers, a fundamental unity is to be found in this monastic spiritual tradition. The Italo-Greek monks of this period all have the same heroes and all read the same Fathers and monastic legislators. They hear about these men in their reading, in the divine services, and in the teachings of their own spiritual Fathers.

These monks also all belong to the same empire and the same Greek Orthodox Church tradition. They are all part of the common Byzantine commonwealth that extended from Asia Minor to Southern Italy. They share in its ideals and its common religious and monastic aspirations. In a certain sense it is difficult to present an exact and detailed analysis of the spirituality that underlies the Italo-Greek monastic life.

The bioi that preserve and present it are not intended to be treatises on spiritual- ity and the spiritual life. However, the bioi, while not being synthetic expositions of spiritual theology, do constantly express in their narratives a spiritual ideal and a way of monastic life that is presented for emula- tion and imitation. Central to this presentation is a cycle of growth in monastic perfection which can be divided into four major parts: the call to monastic life, the importance of a spiritual Father, the disciple as an apprentice to a Father and the gradual growth in monastic perfection.

In these account, the monk first senses a call to monastic life, then goes to a spiritual Father and learns the monastic life as his disciple, and finally gradually progresses in perfection so that he too may perhaps become a spiritual Father to the next generation of disciples. This call may come from outside, either from another monk or from the Scriptures, or through the example of a monk or a monastic community.

It may also be a gradual desire that builds up within the individual for the monastic life. It may even come in the form of a dream or a vision. Elias the Speleot is at the Divine Liturgy when a monk comes and stands before him. The monk exhorts him to give up his rich clothing and become a monk. He does not believe this to be possible for him and waits until he is eighteen years old when he is moved by a passage from the Gospel calling him to renounce all his possessions.

When he learns that John the Baptist went to live in the desert, he asks if he can do the same, and goes to a koinobion where the monks follow the asceticism of Basil the Great. Philaretos of Seminara is described as having a desire for the monastic life that began in his youth. As a young man, he started asking himself questions about eternal life and the unsound state of the world. He decided that the monastic life is the only way of life that is blessed. He is very shaken by this vision and, without saying anything to anyone, leaves his household and goes off to the monasteries of the Merkourion.

It is held to be unsound, a place of vanity, unstable and passing. Philaretos, for example, is seen to refuse even to speak to his own relatives as they pass him by. The monks in the bioi give away all their possessions and refuse to accept any gifts. After Daniel does this, he is then told to go back to retrieve it, with Elias noting that poverty must be embraced with zeal. The monk turns from the world to be able to turn more fully to Christ. Neilos tells his friends, when he is about to leave to become a monk, that he has found a beauti- ful vineyard and must buy it.

Philaretos reminds his hearers of this when he tells them to remember that all that is in the world is passing, and that their only hope is in the future, in God. The role of the spiritual father For the one who answers the call to the monastic life, the first step on the way to becoming a monk is that of finding a spiritual Father, a monk known for his holiness and way of living the monastic life. The spiritual Father may be a hermit or may live in a cenobitic community.

In each of the bioi the spiritual Father is the central figure, and each of these Fathers is noted for his ability to serve as a spiritual guide. Each of the monks described in the bioi goes to a spiritual Father to learn the monastic life from someone who is more experienced and who has progressed far in holiness. This is clearly expressed in the bios of Elias the Younger, where Elias goes to each of the Fathers on Mount Sinai to learn a different vir- tue from each one,20 and in the bios of Christopher, where it is noted that he learned different virtues from different Fathers.

When Stephen comes to Neilos and is accepted as one of his disciples, it becomes obvious that the only way that Neilos can correct Stephen, who is rather simple and lazy, is to treat him harshly and to be severe with him. The first of these is to be a teacher, admonisher and rebuker. Teaching is an important part of the routine of a monastery, of a small group of monks, or even of a single monk who lives with a spiritual Father. The bioi present many of these teachings.

Neilos has some sixty monks at one point in his monastery whom he would gather around him- self for sacred readings and vigils. This role of the spiritual Father takes on different forms. When, for example, the boat of the monastery of Bartholomew of Simeri is captured by Saracen pirates, Bartholomew and his monks gather in the church temple and pray that their brothers be released from captivity, which they soon are.

As when the priest Lukios is caught in a fire and he calls upon the name of Elias the Speleot, who is in his cave in a different place, both the priest and his house are saved. This role is seen in the intervention of Neilos in the affair caused by the election of an anti- pope. Here Neilos tries to bring about a reconciliation between pope and antipope. Although they are constantly calumniating against him, Neilos tries to stop their hatred by never say- ing anything evil about them. After having no success in this, he goes to the brothers to ask pardon of them.

This act brings about reconciliation and peace. This is mentioned in most of the bioi. The bios of Saint Sabas the Younger ends, for example, with a prayer calling upon Sabas to offer his rich and compassionate inter- cession before the Lord. The disciple as apprentice After a person has the initial experience of being called to the monastic life, the next major step is to go to a spiritual Father. Here the young monk is to develop a strong bond with his spiritual Father, becoming a kind of apprentice to him and gradually growing in perfection in the spiritual life as his Father is also growing.

This relationship is very close and is based on complete obedience to the Father and his will. The bioi contain many examples of this type of obedience. Elias the Speleot tells his monks to cut down a tree that is near the entrance to the monastery. The elder knew Neilos never drank wine, but Neilos after asking for a blessing drinks all of it immediately out of a deep sense of obedience. When, for example, Stephen brings him a basket that an elder from another monastery had taught him to make, Neilos orders him to destroy it since he had made it without permission.

The monks, saying nothing, go forth praying and fulfill his command. Obedience is seen, first of all, to be the way to bring a monk into a closer rapport with God. Neilos, for example, severely reprimands two monks who cook a meal in secret some distance from their monas- tery, so that they do not have to fast. Neilos reproaches them both for not trusting that he would provide something for them to eat and for doing that which is against the rule. When the boy, along with some other monks, drinks water from a Holy Cup found along the road, he is severely reprimanded by his uncle for not showing proper respect for holy objects.

Elias the Younger has many people confess their secret faults to him because he treats them in such a way that people find it easy to confess to him. In the bios of Neilos there is a good example of this revelation of thoughts when it is noted that at one point Neilos begins to have doubts about the interpretation that one of his spiritual Fathers, John, gives to a passage of Saint Gregory the Theologian.

Neilos is immediately tempted by Satan, who appears to him under the guise of Saints Peter and Paul, and gives him a heretical interpretation of the passage. Neilos is troubled by this interpretation, and after praying that the thought be removed from him, goes immediately to John to tell him everything that happened so as to be healed.

As this goal is more and more attained, the monk grows in perfection. The active way of monastic perfection Under the guidance of a spiritual Father, and often in a life lived in com- mon with other monks, the monk novice begins to follow a way of life which is to lead him to live ever more perfectly as a monk. The means that the Father employs to lead his disciple into this way of life are made up of two major components: an active component which emphasizes human effort, and a passive component which emphasizes a surrender to divine grace and the guidance of the Holy Spirit.

These two ways exist side by side, but here will be presented separately beginning with the active way. This active way emphasized the fact that a monk can- not remain passive, expecting perfection to come to him, but rather needs to work, toil and fight to be able to progress in living the monastic life. Asceticism Three images employed frequently in the bioi to describe the effort required in monastic life are those of the martyr, the athlete and the sol- dier.

The bios of Saints Christopher and Makarios begins with a prologue praising martyrs and holy monks, both of whom are seen to have suffered a type of martyrdom, the one in blood and the other in conscience. Here monks are called martyrs of conscience because they give themselves up daily as a holocaust before God. In all the bioi there are constant references to a variety of forms of ascetical practice. The bios of Christopher states that Christopher would eat only every three or four days, and at times would spend entire weeks with no food.

The bios of Bitalios notes that he lives only on herbs and water. The bios of Elias the Speleot is particularly severe in its judgment of monks who eat meat. The bios presents Elias sternly reprimanding one of his monks whom he discovers eating meat. To show the monk the foolishness of his actions, Elias calls over the dogs of the monastery to eat the meat, which even they refuse to touch because of their habit of not eating meat. He then tells the monks that those who eat meat are like bloodsucking wild animals that are unclean.

The bioi often speak of monks spending entire nights in vigil, praying and reading the Scriptures. Bartholomew the Younger, for example, is noted for his ability to keep awake during the vigils that Nei- los keeps with his monks. When all the other monks fall asleep, Bartho- lomew alone remains awake, asking Neilos to interpret difficult passages of Scripture for him.

Monks wear very simple clothing, some of them wearing no clothing at all. Bartholomew of Simeri wanders barefoot, with only one torn and sweat-stained tunic and a belt made of animal skin. The bios of John Theristes notes that people are scandalized at the thought of a monk bathing. When Bartholomew of Simeri is encountered by some people in the mountains, these people are frightened and run away because of his wild appearance.

Bartholomew then has to convince them that he is a human being and does this by the way that he speaks to them. Asceticism is seen to be key to their growth in Chris- tian perfection, and there are a number of reasons found for this in the bioi. First of all, asceticism is followed in food, sleep and clothing in that the monks are allowed only the basic necessities of nature.

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Franciscus A. Hieronymi Hastaei ex Ordin. Come mai Barbaccia e il suo alter ego ex-studente di storia non intervengono per controbattere le mie argomentazioni? This change in relationship is initially seen in the beginnings of the monastic life of each monk in his departure from family and homeland to find a spiritual Father. Viaggio di Affrica e America Portughesa , ed.

The monk does not want to destroy the body, but to discipline it by giving it only what it actually needs. The fundamental experi- ence of these monks, as expressed in the bioi, is that the body and its desires often work against the desires of the spirit. To understand what the bioi mean by the burdens of the flesh, it is necessary to examine how monks speak of the body, and how they see the body becoming purified as a result of asceticism. The spiritual Father frequently helps his disciple to overcome the passions by offering practical advice.

Neilos, for example, helps his disciple Stephen to overcome his constant struggle with sleep. Here Neilos makes a special stool for Stephen that has only one leg, so that every time Stephen falls asleep he falls over. Neilos requires Stephen to use this stool during prayer, in the Church temple, and in the dining room.

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In this way, Stephen overcomes his struggle with the passion of sloth. The bios of Neilos notes this when it speaks of Neilos possessing a mind purified of all passions and illuminated by divine light. Vigilance Closely associated with the need for asceticism is the need for a monk to develop two attitudes that help him in the ascetical monastic life: vigi- lance and detachment. In all the bioi, the monk is always expected to display an attitude of vigilance. This attitude of careful watchfulness is to encompass all that a monk does.

Neilos suffers much from temptations because his newly begun monastic life is such a change from his previous way of life. In the bios of Elias the Speleot, it is the devil who is seen to make the saint long for his family. In that of Sabas, it is the devil who is blamed for sending the Saracens to molest the monks. The bios of Elias the Speleot states that Elias struggles against many demons, but notes that he arms himself and his disciples with the sign of the cross and with prayers.

The bios of Neilos is very explicit in the instructions that Neilos gives to his monks. Spiritual Fathers frequently encourage their disciples to be vigilant in facing tribu- lations and to accept these with patience, steadfastness and tolerance. The bios of Elias the Younger even develops a theory on why tribulations and suffering are found in the monastic life. This is an atti- tude of detachment. This attitude manifests itself in two particular ways in the bioi: a monk is to be a stranger to this earth and all that is in it, and a monk is to seek always after silence.

Detachment from this world is expressed in various ways. When Neilos begins the monastic life, one of his former servants comes to him to encourage him in his new way of life. When Neilos asks him why he does not join him in the monastic life, the servant responds that he cannot afford the cloak and tunic that a monk must wear. He possesses no money during his life, and when he is about to die, he gives his monks his inheritance, a few rags, his only earthly possessions. He tells his disciple Stephen to give his Psalter to an elderly monk who had misplaced his own.

The man steals the horse, but when he hears that it belongs to Neilos, he becomes fearful and returns it immediately. The model that the monks hold up before themselves is that of the pilgrim, a pilgrim who belongs to no place on the earth. The clearest expression of this model is found in the bios of Neilos. Before his death, Neilos tells his monks to bury him in the earth so that strangers can walk on his grave.

He requests this because he notes that he has been a foreigner all the days of his life. The first is the desire of monks to visit shrines and holy places, and the second is the need for monks to move because of the political and economic instability of the time. Several of the monks travel to visit Rome. This instability is seen primarily in the need to flee from invaders. The bioi constantly mention invasions by the Sara- cens. They speak of the Saracens attacking and of the Fathers having to flee from their caves.

The search for solitude Monks consider solitude to be their ideal, a solitude which calls them to be far removed from all human discourse and attachments. Christopher, before his pil- grimage to Rome, gives over direction of his monks to his son Sabas, and upon his return, becomes an ever greater recluse, living in silence in his cell. The bios of Leo-Luke presents the saint, asking a woman where he can find salvation.

Nikodemos, knowing that this will lead to many temptations, takes his monks to a place on a feast day. When they arrive at the church, the monks find such a large crowd of people there for the feast day that they beg him to take them back to their former dwelling place as they recalled the quiet and blessed way of life that they had abandoned. Prayer In the active way of monastic perfection presented in the bioi, there is a strong emphasis on the role of prayer, both private and liturgical, as being central to the way of monastic perfection. Prayer is seen to be so important that asceticism, vigilance and detachment are considered to be insufficient in themselves as the means to perfection without prayer.

Prayer is seen to be connected to all the events of daily life. Elias the Younger is noted for praying both before sleep and after sleep, and grad- ually lengthening his times of prayer until he came to pray always. For some monks, this means recitation of the entire Psalter each day, as is noted of Luke of Taormina, who does not leave his cell each day until he has finished the entire Psal- ter.

All who hate him, flee from before his face. Elias the Speleot changes water into wine for the needs of the Liturgy. In the bios of Elias the Younger, a dove is seen flying over the head of the bishop Pantoleon during the Liturgy. Work The final component of the active way of monastic perfection is seen in the need for monks to be involved in work, either physical or men- tal. Christopher is described as modeling his love for work on that of the bee. The passive way of monastic perfection In addition to the emphasis that the bioi of the Italo-Greek monks place on action that leads to monastic perfection, there is a second compo- nent, a passive one, which is seen to be as important as the active one.

In several of the bioi, there are accounts of monks who have to struggle for many years with great temptations or strong passions. Neilos, for example, experiences this three times in the earlier years of his monastic life. First when he is on his way to become a monk, he meets a Saracen who tries to convince him to wait until old age to become a monk. When the Saracen, in fact, offers to help him, Neilos realizes that this experience is a profound lesson in the insufficiency of human power. Neilos realizes that his illness is beyond human help, and that he needs to depend solely on God.

Neilos cannot get the image of the woman out of his mind through his own efforts. It is when Neilos prays before a cross, confessing his weakness, that he is blessed three times by Christ from the cross and freed from these impure thoughts. Neilos, for example, always professes his humility and counts himself as the last of the brothers. Thus, in every aspect of life, a monk must be humble. Shortly after this when he arrives at the seaside he is about to be captured by some Saracens.

John raises a small cross that his mother had given him at his departure, and the Saracens go away. He asks Elias for some food, and Elias shows him a small piece of bread, noting that the Lord never abandons those who follow him. The Saracen, however, chides him for his fear and even gives him some bread to eat. Neilos takes the bread but, as the bios notes, he is ashamed to raise his eyes to heaven because he realizes that God can even show his providence through a Saracen. To prepare for death, he takes out a small New Testament that he always carries with him and at that point an angel appears to him, offering him something like honey to eat, which enables him to get up and continue on his way.

Spiritual maturity and its results One of the results of the gradual transformation that takes place in a monk as he is being perfected is that he may become a spiritual Father for other monks. For apprentice monks who have been intently living the active and passive ways to perfection under the guidance of spiritual Fathers, there are certain marks of spiritual perfection and maturity that gradually come to be noted in the more perfect of their brethren. These gifts and signs recall the beginning of this chapter because, as the appren- tice monk grows in perfection and receives divine gifts, he becomes more and more like his spiritual Father, and may eventually even become a spiritual Father for others.

Thus what is seen in the lives of some of the more perfect apprentices is a full circle in which some monks now become spiritual Fathers to other apprentices. As a monk grows in virtue he is said to become like the angels and to take on what are considered to be the characteristics of the angels. The bioi present various ways in which this is seen in the life of a monk. Bartho- lomew the Younger is noted for having angelic ever-watchfulness and is described as consuming himself in nightly vigils that contend with the vigils of the angels.

He states that a monk is directed either fully towards God or fully away from God, becoming either an angel or a devil. Signs of monastic perfection As the monks presented in the bioi progress in ever greater perfection, there are certain signs, as well as gifts, that are manifested in them, because of the spiritual renewal taking place in them. These are both physical as well as spiritual signs. Many of the bioi speak of a light or fire radiating from the bodies of very holy monks. The bioi of Elias the Speleot and of Bartholomew of Simeri speak of columns of fire coming forth from the bodies of monks in prayer.

The bios of Elias the Speleot states that when the priest Arsenios is asked to go swimming with a bishop, Arsenios first blesses the water with the sign of the cross and, after going in, leaves the water filled with a fragrance. When Philaretos, for example, is to be buried his body gives forth a pleasant fragrance of which it is noted that it surpasses every kind of perfume.

These are the gifts needed for spiritual paternity. The bioi frequently note that these visions are given in connection to a particular phase of the life or mission of the monk. Bitalios appears to some people of the city of Turris to assure them that it pleases him that his relics have been placed with those of Luke of Demena in another city. The monk revives and tells his fellow monks at Grot- taferrata that Bartholomew had come in a vision to tell his monks that they are to remain in the tradition that he had given to them, by remain- ing steadfast in virtue and good works.

This is the new relationship they can form with nature and with people. The new relationship of these monks with nature is seen to be like a return to paradise, where animals and the forces of nature are all at the service of humanity. Sabas the Younger is seen to have a special relationship with the natural elements.

During the threat of a flood, for example, he gathers his monks around him and prays for the rain to stop, so that the place of their service to God will not be destroyed. As the monks pray, some wood flows together and changes the course of the river.

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In the bios of Bitalios it is noted that the animals of his region come to him to receive his blessing and be obedient to him. Once, for example, he orders a doe to stand still so that some thirsty monks could drink her milk. In many accounts these are seen in snakes or scorpions. Both in the bios of Leo-Luke and in the bios of Bitalios, there are accounts in which these Fathers are bitten by snakes but live unharmed.

Leo-Luke trusts in divine help, and Bitalios is cured when he makes the sign of the cross over the snakebite. Relationships with people are another area in the lives of the Italo- Greek spiritual Fathers that manifest the change in a monk as he grows in spiritual maturity. This change in relationship is initially seen in the beginnings of the monastic life of each monk in his departure from family and homeland to find a spiritual Father. This new spiritual relationship between a spiritual father and an apprentice monk is meant to replace any and all family relationships in its importance.

Two striking examples of this radical separation from family are seen in the bios of Neilos the Younger. When Neilos is young, he falls in love and has a child. While suffering from a high fever in which he has a vision of death and eternal torment, Neilos experiences a conversion and decides to become a monk.

He leaves all his connections with family and goes off alone to become a monk. The monastic family of Christopher, Kale and their two sons is a prime example of this new kind of spiritual familial relationship. Chris- topher leaves his wife and young children to become a monk. Eventually he is followed by his sons, who also inspire their mother, so that they all become monks. In this bios there is a clear explanation of what this new spiritual familial relationship is seen to be. It is spiritual paternity, and not natural paternity or relationship, that is important for the monks.

Besides these new relationships among monks, the bioi also note that the spiritual Fathers have different types of relationship with all people in society, rich or poor, powerful or weak. In a sense, expected social rela- tionships are set aside by the monks. The monks are noted to have a sense of boldness and confidence before all levels of society, and even before God. Bartholomew of Simeri is noted, because of the purity of his soul, to be one who had boldness before God. The strategos captures him and wants to have him executed.

Elias inter- cedes and asks for mercy. When the strategos refuses to listen, he soon falls ill and dies, crying out for the help of Elias. Elias then makes Kolombos his own special case, and when Elias is called to Constantinople he takes Kolombos with him so that he can have him pardoned by the emperor.

Neilos comes to the defense of the peo- ple and boldly defends them before Nikephoros. This is seen, for example, in the attack that the spir- itual Father, Luke of Demena, leads against the Saracens. Usually monks would flee at the first indication of the arrival of the Saracens, but Luke is different. When he learns that the Saracens are sacking the area, taking captives and even destroying the churches, he leads his strongest monks out to attack them.

The bios notes that Luke and his monks go forth armed only with the sign of the cross, but when the Saracens see the brightness encircling them and the blaze flashing forth from their faces, they flee in terror. Neilos, for example, goes off to a count who had abducted a woman who was working for the monastery where Neilos was liv- ing.

Neilos warns him to release her, and when he refuses to listen to him, after being warned that divine justice will fall upon him, he dies shortly thereafter. Neilos writes to Philagathos, a Calabrian, who is elected as an antipope in Rome, telling him to abandon false glory and return to the monastic state. Gregory, then takes out revenge on Philagathos by mutilating and imprisoning him. Neilos decided that he must inter- vene and goes to Rome where he is well received by both the king and pope.

Neilos intercedes for Philagathos, but Gregory refuses to free him and mocks him even more. At this Neilos prophesies that both king and pope will suffer the same fate as the antipope and then he leaves Rome. Conclusion With the gradual transformation of a monk into a spiritual Father, the full circle of growth in spiritual maturity is complete.

This process began with a novice monk becoming an apprentice to a spiritual Father, following his example on the path of growth in perfection through the active and passive ways that lead to spiritual maturity. As the disciple grows in perfection, he gradually received various gifts, which serve as signs of his transformation.

Gradually some of these monks then become spiritual Fathers for other disciples who are to follow the same path in obedience to a spiritual Father. Matthew Quibus omnibus in predicatione satisfaciens et caelesti pane admodum eos reficiens. Life of Sts Christopher and Makarios, 2, 3, 7. Bartholomaeo Ab.

Bartolomeo Juniore Cofondatore di Grottaferrata Studio introduttivo e testi. Badia Greca di Grottaferrata. Vitale Siculo, Abbate Ordinis S. Elia Spelaeota Abb. Palermo Istituto siciliano di studi bizantini e neoellenici. Testi, 7. Vite dei santi siciliani, III.

Borsari, ed. ASCL 13—21 and — Bruxellis Propylaeum ad Acta Sanctorum Novembris , —, number 3. Testo originale greco e studio introduttivo Codice Greco Criptense B. Badia di Grottaferrata. Nicodemo di Kel- larana. Brussels Subsidia Hagiographica, Secondary literature Hester, David Paul. Monasticism and Spirituality of the Italo-Greeks. Ana- lekta Vlatadon Thessaloniki: Patriarchal Institute of Patristic Studies. The questions related to the study of Byzantine monastic typika generally speaking and of the Italo-Greek ones in particular are wide and complex, starting from their definition and classification.

Not every document known as such shows the same features, some of which are however often found in documents that go by other terms: diathiki, hypotypo- sis, diatyposis, thesmos, diataxis, hypomnima. This chapter will refer generally to monastic typika, focusing in particular on the disciplinary rules therein. Italo-Greek monastic typika have been traditionally divided into three groups, defined by geographical criteria: Palaeo-Calabrian, Calabro- Sicilian and Otrantine. This is manifested, for exam- ple, in its higher affinity with the principles of Pachomian monasticism rather than with those of the Studite which instead influence, in various ways, the other texts which we will discuss.

I , was written between and This version does not represent the original text, but was revised by Abbot Blaise II near the end of the thirteenth century. In fact, Agostino Pertusi suggested that it should be placed in a distinct group, i. This text, perhaps part of a longer typikon, is transmitted by an especially famous manuscript, the Taurin.

C III 17, drafted in by Nicholas, third superior of the coenobium. We do not know exactly when John and Basil lived, nor the date of foundation of the monastery, nor when the typikon was drafted. The Slavonic translation is instead attributed to the tenth century based on linguistic observations,25 whereas the manuscripts that transmit it are all later. Alexander, from a Greek original drafted in Sicily between and It could have been a translation performed in loco or one following the transfer of the Greek text to the Balkan pen- insula.

Nevertheless, one could also think of a mediation via an eastern milieu, such as the monasteries on Sinai or in Jerusalem, a trajectory which has been invoked in order to explain the existence of liturgical texts unrelated to the Constantinopolitan tradition but contained both in Slavic and Italo-Greek liturgical books. About the latter aspect, the obligation for every monk to sit on the place corresponding to his own office is highlighted, and the exclusion from the community is expected for anyone who should disobey more than three times Chapter 1. About the rules of the typikon, it has been pointed out that many of them recall very closely, sometimes even literally, the principles of Pacho- mian monasticism.

We know nothing, on the other hand, about Deacon John, who may have established the akolouthia in use on the island. First of all the refoundation date of the Patir44 should be established between the end of the eleventh century and the beginning of twelfth, in any case before —05, the year of the privilegium by which Pope Paschal II granted the monastery the exemption from the diocesan ordinary.

The first part is made of parchment and contains the Greek text of the liturgical typikon ff. The second part is made of paper, and contains at ff. Magistro Abbate d. Theophilo ab Alexandro Proc- uratori Generali ordinis S. We must consider, however, that the given annotation does not have any dating, and also that the name John was common; therefore, we cannot give for sure his identi- fication with the above-mentioned Johanninum.

Thus, the abbot John mentioned in the annotation at f. The authorship of the Patir typikon is, in fact, a problematic issue. Given that, as declared, Bartholomew did not actually write the liturgical typikon, we can only investigate the draft of the disciplinary typikon. On the contrary, he recalls instead an oral tradition of a set of rules. His silence, therefore, can only be intentional and may even be revealing perhaps of his desire to step out from the traditions of the Rossano monastery.

Typikon [. In addition, the chapter on hospices V, f. Some texts attributed to Theodore, which correspond to certain points in the Typikon of the Patriarch Alexios Stoudites —43 , are transmit- ted in ff. If the commemoration of minor saints falls on Wednesday or Friday instead, koliva are prepared for the day after for the liturgy, accord- ing to the tradition of the holy monasteries of the City. If it falls instead on other days of the week, i. Still, the provision regarding the celebration of the Presanctified also on Tuesdays and Thursdays seems to recall canon fifty-two of the Council in Trullo.

The Emperor will designate then the new shepherd:. Thus may the monastery grow, flourish and bear good fruits and everything go well thanks to the power of the Creator of the universe and eternally God and the benevolence of the saint Forerunner here venerated, our protector and help. The reference to the role of the basileus, who confirms the choice of the monastic community, or chooses one of three candidates proposed by the monks, implies that the monastery is a basiliki moni, an imperial monastery, and Stoudios became such at a period following the death of Theodore Within this section, pre- cisely at ff.

The typikon recommends in this regard that the supe- rior carefully examines the person seeking entry, and if he is known and judged worthy of the monastic habit, he can get it right away. If he is not known he must stay for a year at the monastery doing the most menial jobs, demonstrating the sincerity of his intention and his good will. At the end of that year he will receive the tonsure, but he will have to observe a further probationary period prescribed by the holy fathers, for three years. Therefore at the Patir monastery the Liturgy of Presanctified was celebrated every day of the week except Saturday and Sunday, as prescribed in canon fifty-two of the Council in Trullo86 to which, however, the typikon does not refer.

On the Wednesday of the fifth week of Lent, monks drink the wine measure set for Monday; on Wednesday of the Adoration of the Cross, they eat a cooked dish with olive oil. Those who perform heavy work, that is, woodcutters, metal workers and tanners, can drink a measure of wine on Wednesday when monks suspend fasting, on Friday half only.

As for the monks who are traveling, if they are at sea they can eat on Wednesdays and Fridays the same food eaten on Tuesdays and Thursdays, but less in quantity and quality. It specifies that the fish caught between Palm Sunday and Pentecost should serve as a reserve for the sick brothers and for guests, and that the steward is not allowed to sell it. Returning to the dietary prescriptions, we have already mentioned that exceptions to the general rule are granted to those who perform strenu- ous or heavy tasks: woodcutters, blacksmiths which, however, do not have to work on Fridays unless it is absolutely necessary and tanners, even protopsaltes and the leaders of the choir during particularly long performances.

Similar exemptions for monks engaged in heavy work are found in the typika of Pantelleria and of Mount Athos. Still, previously married men are not allowed into the monastery, because these people can rarely devote themselves to monas- tic life.

NANNI, Giovanni

The reading of the typikon allows us, then, to obtain some informa- tion about the organization of the monastery and the jobs that were performed there. The organization of work in Patir of Rossano was complex and con- sisted variously in a range of assignments and tasks that bear witness to a flourishing and diversified economic reality. In conclusion, taking into account the texts that have survived, the Typikon of the Patir does not seem to have links with a local tradition of written rules.

Rather, it refers to the principles of Stoudite monasticism that are transposed and adapted to the local context. At the same time this text does not appear to have been transmitted to other Italo-Greek monasteries. It was therefore exclusively the rule of the monastery of Rossano and did not give rise to anything that might be properly called a Palaeo-Calabrian tradition.

Therefore the text must be seen not just as an introduction, but also as an afterword drafted in a period during which Luke could feel his time coming to an end, and can therefore be dated to or a little earlier. It has been suggested that such silence may be ascribed to the fact that there was no written form of the typikon of the Patir — neither liturgical nor disciplinary — when Luke was writing.

However the written form is not essential to the existence of this type of texts, which can be also transmit- ted verbally. Looking at the contents of the introduction, we may remark that it not only takes inspiration from ancient principles of Byzantine monasticism, especially but not exclusively the Stoudite one.

For the feast of the Dormition of the Mother of God, the monks celebrate nine days and eat anything that Christ will send them, giving endless thanks to the Mother of God. From this feast to the fast of Saint Philip, the monks eat two cooked dishes with olive oil daily, with the exception of Wednesdays and Fridays, and twice a week fish, and if it could not be found it is not forbidden to eat something else, after obtain- ing a dispensation from the abbot. They then receive the tonsure but they have to observe after that a further probation period of three years as prescribed by the fathers.

The abbot has then to gather detailed information about monks coming from other monasteries the xenokouritai who seek admission, making sure that they were not banished from their original monastery because of disci- plinary issues. If they are admitted but then commit some fault they will be sent away.

The final three points are about the bread-dough, which must be made by the monks with their hands; the prohibition for women to enter the monastery; and the prohibition to bury strangers who were not monks in the cemetery of the monastery. It is prohibited for the monks to eat meat, and such prohibition stands also for the laymen admitted to the hospital placed outside the walls of the monastery so that the weaker brothers are not led into temptation.

Whoever commits a sin of fornication must be excommunicated, and if he is an abbot he must be deposed from his rank. If a monk fornicates or eats meat and the abbot knows about it, both of them must be segre- gated and separated. Neither the abbot nor the monks may eat in their cell unless they are ill, and no one can eat before the established time.

This volume was conceived with the double aim of providing a

If the abbot gives a present to a monk, giving him more than necessary, he must be deposed because he provided an occasion to make a gain. In the same way the abbot must forbid his monks from owning gold, silver or money. On the other hand, if a monk leaves his own monastery and goes to another one the abbots of both monasteries must be excom- municated: one because he did not look for him, imitating the good shep- herd, the other because, like a thief, he took what did not belong to him; whereas no abbot may banish a monk from his own monastery without the permission of the archimandrite.

There must be no blood ties between abbots and monks, and no abbot or monk may have a spiritual son, to avoid committing sins. No abbot may perform the tonsure with the stole, but only following the tradition established by the holy fathers. Some prescriptions recall the prohibition to keep contact with women, even if they are nuns: women must be kept away from monasteries, and no abbot or monk must eat at a table where a woman is sitting.

Moreover, no abbot or monk may confess a woman whereas no monk may get his own confession outside the monastery.

Individual Offers

No monk may leave for Jerusalem or any other holy places or go to town or anywhere else without the permission of the abbot. In the various monasteries it is necessary that there should be a certain number of priests and clerics. Every mon- astery must have an infirmary, a hospital and, whenever possible, the archontarikia, i.

How- ever we can get a sense of the contents thanks to the Testaments. These days the monks did not have to work, but they must devote them- selves to reciting psalms and hymns. According to this text it is the whole monastic community that elects its superior, or, if there is not a unanimous vote, the community suggests three names among which the basileus chooses and appoints the superior.

If he should return in the manner he has said, he should retain his pastoral rank. We know very little about this monastery whose fame is mainly due to an erudite, Nicholas, a man of great culture which became his abbot in with the name of Nektarios. At the time of the abbot Nicholas-Nektarios —35 , the monastery was subjected to the arch- bishop of Otranto, whereas at the end of the fourteenth century it was given to commendatory abbots.

Regarding the typikon of Casole, the Turin manuscript, its most ancient witness, was severely damaged in the fire that broke out in in the National Library of Turin. Fortunately, a few years before a copy of it had been made at the Vatican Library, and this copy is now preserved in the Provincial Library of Lecce. If it is food that spoils, it should be given to a sick or elderly brother or to whomever the cellarer wishes.

In place of it, something else. The typikon of Casole presents some aspects that are common on one hand to the liturgical tradition of the pars Orientis, on the other to the disciplinary traditions of Italo-Greek monasticism, faithful to the Stoudite model and, conversely, unwilling to incorporate the most recent reforms of Constantinopolitan monasticism, such as the Evergetian. On the other hand, it does not seem, as far as we know, that the dietary rule of Casole has been adopted from or used in other monasteries.

Despite this com- mon stance, they do not show evident mutual affinities, which in turn suggests that these texts, as it is perhaps obvious, did not circulate out- side of their monasteries, not even towards their Byzantine dependencies for which they were written.

By contrast, Luke of Messina, who certainly knew the rules of the Patir, where he came from, expressly states that he used other models for his typikon, i. At the end of our analysis we can confirm that these rules belong in separate groups. Also the typikon of Pantelleria is an isolated text, from both geo- graphical and textual points of view. Thomson , , n. Francis J. Thomson assigns instead the second manu- script to c. Alexander , 7— BMFD, Burgarella , ff. Burgarella , —1,