If one compares these figures with the strong rise in recorded violent crime, it is clear that, although the "objective" security situation and the subjective sense of security have diverged, the actual risk of victimization is still strongly overestimated. It should be remembered that children and adolescents, almost the only age group to be affected by the latest rise in violent crime and the changes in crime-reporting and recording behaviour, were either not covered at all by these surveys or not taken into separate account in interpreting the results.
Figure 6: Fear of crime by community size classes West and East Germany, and Question: Percentage of people who answered the question: "How safe do you feel or would you feel alone outside at night in this neighbourhood? Recent time series in nationwide surveys up to the present confirm the overall positive trend and the continued approximation of East Germans' sense of security to that of West Germans Jungbauer-Gans From a present day perspective, the marked fear of crime that prevailed in East Germany after regime change can be seen primarily as a phenomenon of upheaval; people have now become accustomed to crime Boers : ; Reuband Up-to-date time series are also available for Frankfurt am Main.
In the regular community survey, the percentage of residents who regarded crime as the biggest problem in the city dropped from 57 per cent in to only 17 per cent in Dobroschke : In only 32 per cent of respondents were dissatisfied with public security compared with 68 per cent in , and the fear of neighbourhood crime decreased markedly. The generally more optimistic trend in the subjective sense of security in East and West Germany should not, however, hide the fact that a significant section of the population still fears crime and that only a narrow majority of respondents is satisfied with the state of public security.
These research findings therefore contradict the fact that crime and crime prevention can apparently rally public dissatisfaction and play a decisive role in elections, as the Hamburg city parliament election in showed. The mechanisms that, in certain situations, can translate subjective perceptions of crime into significant factors in the political arena are less well understood by researchers than the fear of crime itself. Apparently the mass media play an independent role in that they can reinforce and activate public attitudes Reuband It has been repeatedly shown that, during past and present phases of societal development, the subject of crime especially youth crime is of high symbolic significance and is suitable for focussing the unspecific fears that arise particularly in times of rapid social change Pearson This is especially true when other threat scenarios - such as external dangers - are lacking, as was the case in Germany after the end of the Cold War.
It is taken for granted that large cites are more strongly affected by crime, especially violent crime, than smaller communities, let alone rural areas. And, in fact, the frequency of recorded violent crime increases markedly in proportion to the size of the community, being much greater in cities with more than , inhabitants than in smaller communities figure 7. This is particularly the case with robbery, whereas homicide - unlike in the United States, for example - is relatively evenly spread across all forms of community and is therefore not a symptom of urban "excesses of violence.
The link apparent in figure 6 between community size and fear of crime shows that the subjective sense of security follows this spatial distribution of violent crime. Figure 7: Rates of recorded violent crime by community size classes Germany Contrary to popular belief, the city-country gap in recorded violent crime has not widened over the past 20 years; in fact, it has slightly narrowed: Between and , the percentage of cases of serious and dangerous bodily harm recorded in cities with more than , inhabitants dropped from 56,4 per cent to The city-country gap in crime is also relativised by the fact that cities perform a central place function in this regard, as well, so that many offenders and victims of urban violence are not local residents Killias : If this were to be taken into account in official suspect rates, which are drawn up not on the basis of place of residence but of the scene of the crime, juvenile delinquency rates for, e.
Similarly, it has long been known that violent crime in large cities is concentrated in a few small areas - so-called "hot spots" Oberwittler ; Sherman et al.
This realisation has made an essential contribution to the growing importance of spatial crime prevention, addressing not persons but situations and crime opportunities. Various experiments have shown that street crime can be effectively reduced through the spatially concentrated deployment of resources without necessarily triggering a displacement effect Eck To the urban dweller, however, the threat from violent crime looks different; contrary to expectations, it is not the residents of city centres, the areas most strongly affected by violent crime, who feel insecure, but residents of socially deprived neighbourhoods where many unemployed people, welfare recipients, and people of non-German origin live Kury et al.
This finding, paradoxical at first glance, can be attributed to two circumstances illustrated by recent research results from the Max Planck Institute for Foreign and International Criminal Law in Freiburg. Looking at crime distribution in Cologne, it appears that the statistical focus of victimization risk shifts from the city centre to the socially deprived residential areas if the non-resident population coming into the inner city to work, shop, or for leisure purposes are taken into account in calculating frequency figures figure 8.
A scatter diagram figure 9 clearly shows this link - extraordinarily close for social science conditions - between the rate of welfare recipients under the age of 18 and the fear of crime "insecurity outside alone after dark" at the level of 60 censustracts in Cologne and Freiburg and some rural communities around Freiburg. This result is confirmed by resident rankings of neighbourhood problems.
In open-ended questioning without pre-quoted answer categories, residents of all the Cologne censustracts under study named social composition and poverty as the most important problems. As was to be expected, this was especially the case in socially deprived neighbourhoods. In second place, 25 per cent of respondents in particularly deprived areas named the refuse problem, and in third place, some 20 per cent, came crime and other forms of unsocial behaviour.
On average for all districts, crime ranked sixth in problem perception, with a figure of Obergfell-Fuchs : Figure 9: Scatter diagram for the composition of social problem situations and fear of crime in neighbourhoods Cologne, Freiburg and Freiburg area, Fear of crime: Scale mean of answers between 0 "very safe" and 3 "very unsafe" to the question: "How safe do you feel or would you feel if you were alone out in the neighbourhood after dark? These findings can contribute towards a better understanding of the subjective sense of security.
The fear of crime is obviously determined very strongly by the social problems prevailing in people's immediate life worlds, and can best be interpreted as a generalised mistrust of others, presumable nurtured by specific negative experience with low social cohesion and a lack of social order in everyday life, but which is not necessarily fed by any crime that people have themselves suffered.
It is remarkable that the fear of crime is specifically influenced by the rate of welfare recipients among children and adolescents, for this indicates that the neighbourhood registers the life led by children and adolescents in poverty with particular attention. To be sure, there are close links between social deprivation, urban disorder, and crime, but concentrating on disorder as the main cause of crime ignores the direct relationship between, on the one hand, the spatial concentration of social deprivation, the associated weakening of social cohesion, and the strengthening of subcultural orientations among juveniles and, on the other hand, the greater propensity for violence and fear of crime that results.
The empirical findings presented here permit an important initial conclusion: dramatisation of the situation is justified by developments in neither "objective" nor the "subjective" security.
A not easily definable rise in violent crime is almost entirely limited to children and adolescents - an age group admittedly at particular risk from a developmental point of view. This vindicates the current practice of focusing on these age groups in crime prevention. What is more, the limited spatial distribution of juvenile delinquency and of the fear of crime within cities suggests a need for greater spatial concentration of crime prevention measures. This, too, is common practice. Conversely, this also means that many prevention campaigns in smaller, rural communities must be seen as less urgent; and any clear focus on crime and insecurity is often lacking for want of corresponding problems.
Just as numerous and diverse as the causes of crime and the factors that influence it are the approaches taken to prevent it, which, especially as far as primary prevention is concerned, cannot be easily isolated from other areas of national and local policy. Concrete measures are often neither new nor exclusively directed towards crime reduction. What is new, however, is the strategy to achieve greater effectiveness with the aid of "crime prevention councils" and "public order partnerships" than could be attained with isolated measures by bundling activities and coordinating the contributions of various players - true to the principle: "only everything works" Sherman : The minimum methodological requirements for meaningful evaluation research include setting theoretically well-founded and specific goals, forming experimental and control groups most usefully in random distribution , and carrying out data collection before the start and after termination of the preventive measures Sherman : This is the only way to discover relationships between causes and effects and to distinguish the effects of preventive measures from those of external influences.
The hurdles that have to be taken in empirically proving the effectiveness of crime prevention are, however, high, since the effect which societal factors scarcely amenable to influence have on crime and on the fear of crime is always far greater than that of the preventive measures taken. This is shown not only by the considerable fluctuations in crime and the fear of crime in Germany over recent years but also by the remarkable decline in crimes against life in the United States in the s, of which all that can be safely said is that it cannot be attributed to targeted crime prevention Blumstein et al.
However, if one renounces any attempt to assess prevention concepts in terms of effectiveness, crime prevention would be reduced to a symbolic policy primarily intended to impress the public. Finally, evaluation research facilitates the efficient allocation of scarce funding. CCTV reduced crime - but not violent crime, only car theft and theft from vehicles - by an average 4 per cent, whereas improved street lighting lowered crime by an average 20 per cent, at a fraction of the cost!
However, whether these important findings lead to any adjustment in crime prevention concepts, which in the United Kingdom rely very heavily on closed circuit television surveillance systems, is a decision not for researchers but politicians.
I would like to thank the statistical offices of the participating municipalities and the Rhine-Sieg Transport Association for making the data available. However, no time-dependent risk calculation is possible.
Blumstein, Alfred et al. Familien- und Sozialpolitik im demografischen Wandel, Opladen. Eck, John E.
Eisner, Manuel , Das Ende der zivilisierten Stadt? Farrington, David P. Systematic reviews of experimental and quasi-experimental research, Thousand Oaks Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Sciences, vol.
Jugendkriminalität - Umgang mit Jugenddelinquenz (German Edition). by Daniela Klepke | Jun 13, Kindle · $$ Jugendkriminalität - Umgang mit Jugenddelinquenz (German Edition). by Daniela Klepke | Jun 13, Kindle · $$ $$
Geburtstag, Berlin, Schwerpunkt: Die sichere Stadt, Opladen. Innenministerium Nordrhein-Westfalen s. Jungbauer-Gans, Monika , Schwindet das soziale Kapital? Kelling, George L. First results, England and Wales, London. Killias, Martin , Grundriss der Kriminologie.
Kury, Helmut ed. Eine Untersuchung in Ost- und Westdeutschland, Freiburg i. Lipsey, Mark W.
Theoretische und empirische Perspektiven, Weinheim. Hell- und Dunkelfeldbefunde im Vergleich, Weinheim, Pearson, Geoffrey , Hooligan, a history of respectable fears, New York. Published by Opladen, Leske und Budrich, About this Item: Opladen, Leske und Budrich, GOOD condition, former library book with signature and stamp. More information about this seller Contact this seller Published by Juventa Verlag, , About this Item: Juventa Verlag, , Auflage: 1.
Spuren, Innenteil: viele Unterstreichungen, mit Namen versehen. From: Antiquariat Thieme Leipzig, Germany. Published by Budrich, From: buecherdackel Regensburg, Germany. About this Item: Budrich, Condition: Sehr gut. Rechnung mit ausgewiesener Mehrwertsteuer liegt bei. Sprache: Englisch Gewicht in Gramm: Published by Juventa-Verlag About this Item: Juventa-Verlag, Perfect Paperback.
Condition: Used: Good. Condition: - keine Angabe -. Condition: gut. Standen damals die Risikofaktoren im Mittelpunkt, mit denen Jugendliche konfrontiert sind, so ist es hier eine spezielle Gruppe von Jugendlichen: delinquente Jugendli che.
Die Gewalt nimmt weiter zu. Der Krieg der Jugendlichen. Da bleibt keine Nase heil. Es sind unsere Kinder. Gewalt unter Jugendlichen - ein Abbild der Gesellschaft.
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