Sentimentos à procura de sensações (Portuguese Edition)

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Thus, Nietzsche is read, first and foremost, from a sociological perspective. Thus, one has good reason to argue that his Distinction [] and the preliminary studies from the s Bourdieu et al. Turner, London: Anthem Press It has been studied and commented on more in the fields of aesthetics, philosophy and art history. For example, the entry on taste published in the International Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences Wenzel, describes it — together with smell — merely as a physico-chemical phenomenon.

Bourdieu considered taste to be one of the main battlefields in the cultural reproduction and legitimation of power. Attempts at a sociological explanation of these self-evident relations are usually denounced as pointless by people who have something to gain in mystifying the relation between taste and education or some other social factors. It is most often found in the factions of the dominant class with the greatest educational capital.

Bourdieu, []: 41— Which distinction is most refined at any moment of time is defined by the avant-garde. It is a social or sociological critique of judgement. Indeed, it takes a stand against it, questioning the very possibility of universal judgement. In essence, Bourdieu argues that every aesthetic judgement is socially determined. This is precisely what Bourdieu criticises Kant for having neglected.

Bourdieu []: — writes: In short, the philosophical sense of distinction is another form of the visceral disgust at vulgarity which defines pure taste as an internalised social relationship, a social relationship made flesh, and a philosophically distinguished reading of the Critique of Judgement cannot be expected to uncover the social relationship at the heart of a work that is rightly regarded as the very symbol of philosophical distinction. The only source of what is beautiful and of renewal in fashion is ugly.

Of course, taste is only one, albeit important, element of it as in the academic field; cf. Bourdieu, []. Bourdieu and Wacquant, ; and Bourdieu and Wacquant, [] , puts it: Classes and other antagonistic social collectives are continually engaged in a struggle to impose the definition of the world that is most congruent with their particular interests.

The sociology of knowledge or of cultural forms is eo ipso a political sociology, that is, a sociology of symbolic power. It is also simultaneously a field of struggle for power among the holders of This chapter has been published in the volume 'The Legacy of Pierre Bourdieu: Critical Essays', edited by Simon Susen and Bryan S. It is a space of play and competition […]. The field of power is organised as a chiasmatic structure: the distribution according to the dominant principle of hierarchisation economic capital is inversely symmetrical to the distribution according to the dominated principle of hierarchy cultural capital.

Bourdieu and Wacquant, 76n. Moreover truth is neither conceptual nor mimetic; it manifests itself in shared practices. Conceived of in this sense, class is not an organised actor with conscious aspirations. Such meanings and habits do not constitute structures in any way Lash, He writes: I believe that sociology, when it is reflexive, enables us to track down and to destroy the last germs of ressentiment. Ressentiment is for me the form par excellence of human misery; it is the worst thing that the dominant impose on the dominated perhaps the major privilege of the dominant, in any social universe, is to be structurally freed from ressentiment.

Thus, for me, sociology is an instrument of liberation and therefore of generosity. Reflexive sociology — understood as the sociology of knowledge and power — implies that nothing, including aesthetics, is disinterested except sociology. As a sociologist Bourdieu did not think that he stood above all classifications cf. Free from ressentiment he could afford to look at things disinterestedly — in other words scientifically and reflexively — from the viewpoint of truth.

In an interview on his book Homo Academicus, Bourdieu formulated perhaps his most explicit standpoint concerning the sociological truths that underlie objectively existing situations in the social world. It is also his most explicit anti-autobiographic statement cf. On the contrary, the creation of concepts calls for a taste that modulates it. The free creation of determined concepts needs a taste for undermined concept. Taste is this power, this being-potential of the concept […] Nietzsche sensed this relationship of the creation of concepts with a specifically philosophical taste […].

In this sense one cannot say that Bourdieu is Nietzschean. It is not an entirely novel idea to claim that Nietzsche had a significant influence on the history of sociology. Bourdieu and Nietzsche who later became one of his critics , Simmel see e. Lichtblau, and Weber Stauth and Turner, ; and Turner, On the other hand, traditionally Nietzsche has not been included in the classics of sociology. In this sense it is interesting that — perhaps for the first time in its year history — the American Journal of Sociology published an article Antonio, dealing with the absence of Nietzsche from sociological theory, especially in the United States.

Deleuze, ; and Nehemas, Nevertheless, there is much more material about power than about taste in his literary production. But all life is dispute over taste and tasting! Taste: that is at the same time weight and scales and weigher; and woe to all living creatures that want to live without dispute over weight and scales and weigher! One could say that Bourdieu agrees with Nietzsche to a large extent in considering taste to be a perpetual struggle in modern society. Indeed it may be true in precisely those aspects.

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But all these are only the most elementary cases of the struggle [Kampf ] that the gods of the various orders and values are engaged in. They strive to gain power over our lives and again they resume their eternal struggle [ewigen Kampf] with one another. Weber, [] : —; Weber, [] : 99— Nietzsche and Bourdieu There is little doubt that Nietzsche, like Bourdieu, could be regarded as an anti-Kantian thinker. Nietzsche deals with the change in common taste in the Gay Science First book, chapter 39; Nietzsche, [], 64f.

He considers it more important than change in opinion, which is only a symptom of changed tastes. How then, does taste change? According to Nietzsche, it happens when influential people project their own opinions and carry them through. Thus, when they say that something is ridiculous and absurd, they are following the dictates of their own taste and disgust. They subordinate people under power that gradually takes in increasingly large numbers and finally becomes indispensible This chapter has been published in the volume 'The Legacy of Pierre Bourdieu: Critical Essays', edited by Simon Susen and Bryan S.

Bourdieu and Nietzsche Nietzsche, []: 64f. They [i. Furthermore, Nietzsche recognises that individuals sense and taste things differently because they are embedded in different ways of life, and because they have different bodies physis. Simmel: Nasenfrage. The two also share similar views on ressentiment. At first glance there seems to be no connection with Bourdieu. The viewpoint of the creative artist cf. On the other hand, Bourdieu gives the artist a special status in his discussion with Hans Haacke: above all, an artist has a specific competence, namely to cause a sensation and to express something that scientific research is not able to say Bourdieu and Haacke, []: Since, as Nietzsche claims and , Kant and his criticism have deprived us of our right to interpretation, the will to power must essentially interpret, outline and define grades and power differences.

Bourdieu, however, sees it as something negative. Nietzschean thought is not only anti-Kantian but also anti-sociological Lichtblau, — It would be reasonable to assume that Bourdieu would not be prepared to accept the characterisation of his sociology as aristocratic. Nonetheless, his sociology is aristocratic in that it is noble and generous cf. Yet, Nietzsche placed the emphasis on form over content in his artist programme and, for him, philosophy was primarily a matter of style.

Although this remark is open to interpretation, it does not sound entirely unfamiliar and could be This chapter has been published in the volume 'The Legacy of Pierre Bourdieu: Critical Essays', edited by Simon Susen and Bryan S.

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Moreover, it seems that, for Bourdieu, symbolic struggle is a more or less continuous and endless process. There is no harmonious state or stage to be attained — quite the opposite. Moreover, it is doubly selective, like thinking cf. Deleuze, Conclusion What, then, was the world to Nietzsche? The Will to Power gives us a clear answer: And do you know what the world is to me? Shall I show it to you in my mirror? And you yourselves are also this will to power — and nothing besides! Rahkonen, It is an old painting by Godfried Schalken, Le gourmet, which hangs in the National Gallery of Prague, and portrays a fat man, a gourmand, taking great pleasure in stuffing his mouth.

Rahkonen, —74; Bloch, [] : It portrays with irony? Perhaps these differences in the cover pictures manifest the cultural differences between the French and British societies. Does the picture on the cover of the English editions just reflect the stereotypical British image of France? One interpretation would be that there are genuine social and cultural differences between British and French societies.

There is another astonishing feature in the original cover picture, and that is the oldfashioned gourmand himself. This, of course, goes back to the genealogy of taste cf. Falk, 13—15; Gronow, In this sense a more suitable picture on the cover might have reflected this fact. In his ingenious book Die Erlebnisgesellschaft , he discusses Erlebnis, which could be translated as subjective experience, as opposed to Erfahrung, objective experience cf.

Lash, He points out that Erlebnis is directed at beauty in particular. In another context Schulze, 15—16 Schulze maintains that there has been a change in ways of speaking and discussing. The new form of talk about arts and culture is laconic.

Basically, we do not really talk about art, we talk about ourselves; it is not about the piece of art, but about its effect on us. We do not discuss the quality of art in the objective sense, it is just a question of like or dislike. The subjectivity becomes clear in differences of opinion: I like that film, you do not. It is enough that we know and state this — there is no need for an aesthetic or theoretical dispute about the subject.

The subjectivity of opinions is approved as such; thoroughly subjective aesthetics has won. Something appeals to one person, but not to another. There is clearly no longer any dispute about taste! Schrift, What is un-thought is there in each case only as the un-thought. Bourdieu []. Bourdieu, Pierre La distinction. Critique sociale du jugement. Paris: Minuit. Richard Nice, Cambridge, Mass. Bourdieu, Pierre [] Homo Academicus, trans. Peter Collier, Cambridge: Polity Press. Klassenlage, Lebensstil und kulturelle Praxis. Theoretische und empirische Auseinandersetzung mit P. Bourdieu, Pierre [] The Logic of Practice, trans.

Richard Nice, Cambridge: Polity Press. Bourdieu, Pierre ed. Priscilla Parkhurst Ferguson [et al. Bourdieu, Pierre La sociologie est un sport de combat. Derrida, Jacques The Truth in Painting, trans. Edward Jephcott, Oxford: Blackwell. Heidegger, Martin [] What is Called Thinking?

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Kant, Immanuel [] Critique of Judgement, trans. Werner S. Pluhar, Indianapolis: Hackett. Who comes After the Subject? Hamburg: Otto Meissner Verlag. Produktkulturen: Dynamik und Bedeutungswandel des Konsums. Nehemas, Alexander Nietzsche: Life as Literature. Cambridge, Mass. Hollingdale, Harmondsworth: Penguin. Nietzsche, Friedrich []. Walter Kaufmann, in Walter Kaufmann ed. Nietzsche, Friedrich [] The Gay Science, trans. Nietzsche, Friedrich [] Beyond Good and Evil, trans.

Hollingdale, London: Penguin. Smag, sansning, civilisation: En antologi, Aarhus: Aarhus universitets forlag, pp. Schrift, Alan D. Schulze, Gerhard Die Erlebnisgesellschaft. Stauth, Georg and Bryan S. Turner, Bryan S. Gerth and C. Wright Mills eds. Mohr Paul Siebeck , pp. Wenzel, Bernice M. Palavras-chave: Gosto, Poder, Ressentimento, Bourdieu.

A analogia de Bourdieu como um campo de jogo champ-jeu remete ao trabalho de Maurice Merleau-Ponty.

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Essa sociologia do inconsciente tem tido certa influencia na chamada antropologia reflexiva, que denuncia o objetivismo, no realismo de Levi-Strauss e no funcionalismo. Livre do ressentimento ele pode se permitir olhar as coisas desinteressadamente — em outras palavras cientificamente e reflexivamente — do ponto de vista da realidade. Sua verdade pode estar contida justamente nesses aspectos. Eles batalham entre si para ganhar poder sobre nossas vidas e novamente resumem seu eterno conflito.

Onde entra a vontade de poder Wille zur Macht de Nietzsche a qual tem levado a tantos mal compreendidos? Notas 1. Rahkonen, ; Bloch, []: Este retrata com ironia? Falk, ; Gronow, Nesse sentido uma foto mais apropriada poderia ter refletido esse fato. Em outro contexto Schulze, Heidegger, []: 73; cf Schrift, What Are Nihilism and Relativism? Moral nihilism and moral relativism are metaethical theories, theories of the nature of morality. Nihilism is the view that there are no moral facts. It says that nothing is right or wrong, or morally good or bad.

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Nihilists believe that moral language is infected by a massive false presupposition, much as atheists understand religious talk. Relativism is the view that moral statements are true or false only relative to some standard or other, that things are right or wrong relative to Catholic morality, say, and different things are right or wrong relative to Confucian morality, but nothing is right or wrong simpliciter.

There are a moral relativism and moral nihilism number of versions of relativism, because there are various candidates for sources of frames. Relativism and nihilism share ontology. Both doctrines are skeptical about freestanding moral facts, of some principles of action having a special authority that picks them out of the hodgepodge of conventions.

Instead, relativists and nihilists see just us people with our moral feelings and social rules, valuing some things in a special way, perhaps, and then projecting these values into the world. Relativism can then be seen as a tactical retreat made by common sense in the face of the nihilist threat. Persuaded that absolute morality is a pipe dream, a relativist suggests that we might still salvage much of moral practice, moral thought, and moral talk by relativizing. It might be thought that relativists and nihilists do differ on a crucial point of ontology.

Relativists do believe that there are such things as moral properties, only they are relative properties as Einsteinians believe that there is such a thing as duration, only it is duration relative to an inertial frame , while nihilists do not. But this is a misleading way to think of the situation.

They count these relative properties among the constituents of the universe. This difference is a difference over language, though, not a difference over ontology. Nihilism especially is a radical thesis, violently contrary to common sense; relativism is less radical but still revisionary of common sense.

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At least, in one way nihilism is more radical: it says that every positive moral judgment to the effect that something or other is wrong, or right, or morally good or bad is false, whereas relativists think that most common sense moral judgments are likely to be true. There is another sense, to be explained in section 7, in which relativism is more radical, because it is more revisionary. In any case, each metaethical theory is at odds with common-sense moral thinking.

But their common skepticism can also seem to be forced on us by serious, hardnosed reflection. Moral absolutist philosophers often portray relativism as an exotic skeptical doctrine delivered by some special philosophical theory, and they see and portray themselves as defenders of common sense against the bizarre, much as traditional epistemologists think of themselves as defending our ordinary claims to knowledge against radical skeptical challenges.

I doubt, though, that relativism and nihilism about morality really do have a relation to common sense that is similar to the one that epistemological skepticism has. Few people, even the oxford handbook of ethical theory sophisticated and reflective people, ever take seriously the idea that nobody knows anything at all, or anything about the external world. Many nonphilosophers do take seriously the idea that there is no absolute morality, however, and not always or only because they have been influenced by moral philosophers.

Why does the rejection of Absolutism seem so plausible to many people? Why Reject Absolutism? It is easy to see how something could be good relative to a standard, but difficult to see how something could be good, not merely according to this or that standard, but simply. If some standard were special, were the right one, then something could be good absolutely by being good relative to that standard. In some contexts, there does seem to be a standard that is built in conceptually, and in these contexts we are comfortable with attributions of goodness. Even here, though, we are not apt to resist the suggestion that good and bad are relative to the standard in question.

We can start with some straightforward attributions of goodness and badness, attributions that have no problematic feel. Once we make clear and explicit what is going on in these straightforward cases, we can better understand what does seem problematic in the problematic cases. We know that a good clock is one that among other things tells the time accurately. That clocks that lose a minute each hour are not good clocks is not controversial.

Suppose someone personally preferred analog clocks whose hands do not move at all. He might have reasons, or he might just prefer stopped clocks on a whim. If he expressed his preference by saying that stopped clocks are good, though, he would simply be mistaken. Similarly for a computer operating system: even if someone prefers an operating system that crashes frequently, she cannot correctly say that stability in an operating system is bad. In general, the standards for artifacts seem to be built in to the concepts we use to pick out the artifactual kinds. We might put it this way: to understand the concept of a clock is already to know what makes a clock a good one.

And someone whose standards for can openers are very different from the ordinary one has thereby lost contact with the concept of a can opener. Next, consider what makes a good astronomer, or a good shepherd. These questions could be a bit controversial at the edges. For example, it may be controversial among astronomers whether doing lots of observation is more impormoral relativism and moral nihilism tant than working out mathematical theories. Like artifact concepts, many concepts of jobs or roles come with standards built into them.

What about kinds that are not defined by their function? We do not expect anyone to ask which in a pile of stones is the best stone, or which element in the periodic table is the best element. Which is the best artificial fiber? Well, some fibers are better for making sleeping bags, others are better for making socks. When no standard comes automatically with a concept, we have no idea what to think about which such things are good and better until we bring in a standard.

In cases when a number of different standards could be in play, we are happy to disambiguate and answer relative to one standard, then relative to another, but it is hard even to understand a question about which standard is the right one. This maple would make a better spot for a tree house, and that cherry is better for producing food, and the spruce will make a better Christmas tree, but which is really the better tree? The question about good trees is distinct from a question about what is good for a tree. We do seem to have some conception, perhaps inchoate and vague, of what counts as good for an organism.

Wittgenstein pointed out that we understand the question of which road is the right road once a destination is specified though really we would probably also need to know whether the traveler wanted a scenic route or a fast one , but only relative to the destination , pp. Questions of right action show up in games, and in law. The right move in chess is relative to the rules of chess, including the specified goal of checkmating the opponent. A legal wrong is relative to a system of laws: something that is legally wrong in Pittsburgh may not be legally wrong in Calcutta, and vice versa.

Rules forbid and permit, and right and wrong need a specification of rules before they get a determinate content. How, then, can things be morally good and bad, and morally right and wrong? If the concept of morality came with a definite set of rules and standards, moral goodness would be no more controversial than clock goodness, and moral wrongness would seem no more mysterious than the wrong move in chess.

A restriction against harming innocent people, a requirement that we tell the truth, a low evaluation of refusing to help those in need? Some have thought that the concepts of the virtues can fill the role filled by functions in attributions of goodness to artifacts or professions. But although we may have more or less firm views about what is morally permissible and which traits of character are virtuous, these views are not matters of linguistic or conceptual competence in matters of ethics as they are in the oxford handbook of ethical theory discussions of artifacts and jobs and games.

Someone who thinks that killing the innocent is permissible when it increases gross domestic product may be morally defective, but his deficit is not semantic. Good and bad are relative to standards; right and wrong are relative to rules. In questions of morality, no such standards seem to be available. If no set of rules is built into the concept of morality, where might we find some? One possibility is that there are many sets of moral rules, and that we can decide which things are wrong only relative to one or another of them, much as we can decide which fibers are better only relative to a purpose.

If this possibility is the most plausible, then relativism will also be a plausible account of moral rightness and goodness. Another possibility is that although there is no particular set of rules whose acceptance is constitutive of competence with the vocabulary or concepts of morality, there are nevertheless considerations that will or would force all rational beings in the end to accept the same rules. Nobody thinks a number theorist who doubts the conjecture is thereby shown to be incompetent in the language of arithmetic, even supposing that there is an undiscovered proof of the conjecture.

If there is such a proof, it is unobvious in the extreme! Suppose, as some rationalists believe, there is some sort of derivation of a certain system of moral rules from the basic precepts of rationality. For taxonomic purposes, we can count this kind of rationalist view as relativist, since it does say that all moral facts are relative to a system. I will not fight over the word. These considerations are not decisive.

They are merely suggestive. I think they are responsible for the intuitive plausibility of relativism. Some people think that moral judgments are intrinsically, conceptually, by their very nature nonrelative. They think that if relative judgments of right and wrong are all that are available, then rather than showing morality to be relative, this will show that there is no moral rightness.

Arguments for Nihilism As Mackie presented them, his argument from queerness and argument from relativity are independent arguments to the same conclusion, namely, that there are no objective moral values. I will set out the three arguments, and then explain how they are related. Correspondingly, if we were aware of them, it would have to be by some special faculty of moral perception or intuition, utterly different from our ordinary ways of knowing anything else.

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And does this queerness cast doubt on their existence? Mackie seems to have had two queer features in mind. Second, Mackie argued that the role that objective values would have to play in motivation is completely unlike the role that ordinary properties play.

Sentimentos à procura de sensações

Similarly, if there were objective principles of right and wrong, any wrong possible course of action would have not-to-be-doneness somehow built into it. An argument from relativity ought to proceed from a relativistic premise. So the diversity premise is empirical, and though no detailed evidence for it is presented, it does seem to be fairly secure.

But how, precisely, does the argument go? On the face of it, the argument is as follows. Moral values have differed from time to time and place to place. Therefore, there are no objective moral facts. Now, this argument is obviously missing a premise. What is the missing premise? To make the argument valid, the missing premise must be or entail the following. If moral values differ from time to time and place to place, then there are no objective moral facts.

What reason is there to believe this conditional premise? Is it just obvious? It is certainly not obvious to everyone. To see why it looks problematic, compare this argument: Theories of the nature of stars have differed from time to time and place to place. Pessoas com sorrisos lindos e sinceros, iluminam o ambiente como Sol, que invade as Procura apelidos carinhosos e fofos para colocar em amigos, namorado ou ficante?

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