On October 27, soldiers ransacked homes and stole money in Palos Muertos. They beat ten men in the course of interrogating them, and humiliated an old man by making him strip in front of villagers. Soldiers later coerced witnesses in an attempt to keep them from describing what they had seen. The following day, the town was retaken by the Mexican army.
On January 6, Tim Golden of the New York Times described what he encountered: "At least a dozen rebels had been killed in and around the Ocosingo market. Six were found lying face down, shot at close range in the back of the head, their hands behind them and short lengths of nylon rope beside them. One still had his hands tied. A subsequent investigation by forensic specialists from Physicians for Human Rights determined that the PGR "either autopsied the wrong bodies or had never seen the bodies from the Ocosingo market. They were accused of participating in the brief zapatista takeover of Altamirano in early January While in custody, the sisters were beaten and raped by about ten soldiers.
Department of Justice. The case was transferred to military jurisdiction without notifying the young women's attorneys. Since the army had already rejected the allegations, that made the possibility of a fair hearing, let alone bringing those responsible to justice, exceedingly remote. The raiders evicted the residents and seized two community leaders, whose mutilated bodies were later found in a nearby river.
They had been shot in the head and chest at close range. As reported by the U. Department of State, "Veracruz state officials blocked an attempt by a team of forensic experts and nongovernmental organizations to conduct autopsies on the victims. Article 27 of the Constitution concerning agrarian reform is often implemented to the detriment of persons belonging to such groups.
The delay in resolving problems relating to the distribution of land has weakened the confidence of these populations in both local and federal authorities. Moreover, these persons are subject to special laws, particularly in Chiapas, which could create a situation of discrimination. The culprits, who almost certainly enjoyed the blessing of local officials at odds with the bishop's activist work among the region's indigenous peoples, were never apprehended. On July 31, he was deported to Belgium. He was accused of conspiracy to organize a land occupation, of plundering, and of possession of unauthorized firearms.
On April 21, the Jesuits filed a charge of defamation against Summa, but the State Attorney General declined to pursue the case.
In El Salvador, thousands of indigenous persons died before the Jesuits, those responsible for the massacre. The murderers were later identified as security guards from the Agua Caliente Racetrack, owned by Jorge Hank Rhon, a wealthy businessman and target of Miranda's muckraking columns. Because of the familial tie to the elder Hank, Jorge Hank's involvement in the murder of Miranda was never seriously investigated. On June 18, the secretary tentatively identified one of her assailants, an agent of the Federal District Judicial Police, from a photograph.
She was then intercepted a second time and warned that her own life would be in danger if she persisted in trying to identify her assailants. Oropeza had been one of three hunger strikers who in protested electoral fraud in the Chihuahua gubernatorial election. He had since been a persistent critic of both the "illegitimate" state government and of the Federal Judicial Police in his columns.
Rather than try to apprehend the murderers, the envoy instead tried to portray the victim as a homosexual, then accused the deceased of selling psychotropic drugs. When neither accusation took hold, he had two persons tortured into confessing they murdered Oropeza in the course of a burglary. The accused later denied the confessions and described the tortures to human rights groups. To date, there have been no arrests. Frustrated by her inability to eliminate such practices, she resigned.
All had been gagged, stabbed, and strangled. On the same day, police discovered the bodies of two other gay men in an apartment in another section of the city. Later in the week, a sixth gay man was found murdered in yet another apartment. Police described the victims as "people with strange habits" and "sadomasochists," and tried to portray the murders as crimes of passion following orgies, or as "homosexual vendettas" by former lovers. When this proved unpersuasive, police began suggesting the motive was money.
It pointed to unexplained delays and failures to question obvious witnesses and pursue important leads, such as an assault and death threat received by Estrada only days before he was murdered. Most of the killings were carried out with high-caliber weapons reserved by law for the exclusive use of the Mexican army and the judicial police. There is no evidence of culpability other than the confession itself, and an eyewitness denies Moguel was involved. Another suspect, Carlos Cruz Bautista, was detained solely on the word of the taxi driver who picked up one of the victims before he was killed, and who may have been involved in the murder.
On June 24, special prosecutor Jorge Gamboa Borraz, who had been appointed in April to investigate previous murders of gay men, resigned, complaining he had received no support from state officials. We have strong evidence that makes us believe this [anti-gay] campaign has been waged by various police corporations, with the possible involvement of the army. The assassinations almost all take the same form The shootings are done with expert marksmanship and using high-caliber weapons, such as 9 millimeter theoretically only issued to the army , 38 super and 45 caliber issued to judicial police.
At least one of the victims was administered a coup de grace The homicides in Mexico City also bore the professional stamp of police or military personnel.
Rojas interviewed imprisoned former state policemen, one of whom confessed to taking part in the kidnapping, and obtained evidence that Governor Antonio Riva Palacio had been responsible for the disappearance. After calling a press conference for January 25, Rojas was kidnapped at gunpoint on the 24th, and tortured with a machete until a passing car frightened his assailant. Soon thereafter, federal Attorney General Ignacio Morales Lechuga met with Rojas to offer a deal in which Rojas would drop any reference to the governor, in return for the incarceration of lower-level officials, and a complete reorganization of the state police.
Rojas refused. The attorney general then withdrew police protection, and Rojas fled to Canada, where he was granted political asylum. Though bribery the infamous mordida, or "little bite" continues to be commonplace in Mexico, what was unusual in this case was that Moussavi went public, against the wishes of IBM. Shortly thereafter, on November 9, General Gallardo was arrested, imprisoned in Military Camp Number One on the outskirts of Mexico City, and charged with numerous offenses, including two counts of defamation.
In effect, the Mexican government replicated a weak national institution at the state level, and diminished the authority of the original national body. It chose to expand a bureaucratic structure with questionable effectiveness, instead of taking decisive measures to end police and military abuse, ensure that prosecutors do their jobs and guarantee that the courts dispense justice.
The addition of state commissions merely adds another layer of bureaucracy and further delays investigations and possible prosecutions. Only by knowing where the applicant resided at the time of the alleged events is it possible to determine whether an election actually took place at that time and location. Knowledge of such details lends credibility to the applicant's story, because the details tend to be sufficiently complicated that it would be difficult to get them right if one had to invent the story. Log in. Remember Me. Forgot password?
Email this document Printable version. Asylum Officers use asylum law, interviews with asylum applicants, and relevant information on country conditions to determine the merits of individual claims for asylum. As specified in the Regulations 8 CFR There was a grin on his face. What did the rookie drug baron have to laugh about, with so many years in jail ahead of him?
Over the years, there would be further fabrications to magnify his folk-hero status and sprinkle reality with doses pure magic realism. The mythmaking was neither accidental nor arbitrary, and served an important purpose— it shielded government officials from intrusive scrutiny and allowed the actual leaders of drug organizations to operate anonymously for years to come. Meanwhile, he had moved about Mexico in relative freedom for thirteen years until finally being cornered following a massive manhunt involving hundreds of agents from Mexican intelligence agencies and Mexican Marines working cooperatively with American intelligence teams.
It was a marvellous Machiavellian scheme designed to preserve a Pax Narco and yet make it appear that the Mexican government was cooperating fully in a War on Drugs. The murder of Cardinal Posadas Ocampo represented a dangerous moment for the Carlos Salinas de Gortari administration, and demanded a firm response. The president had committed Mexico to a neoliberal economic shift, and the North American Free Trade Agreement was its keystone initiative. But reaction against organized crime also demanded his constraint for two important reasons: first, the drug organizations funnelled necessary funds into a fragile Mexican economy and, second, over-reaction might result in embarrassing revelations about government corruption and collusion with organized crime President Salinas de Gortari could not push back too vigorously without jeopardizing that cash flow generated by narcotraffic nor releasing a flood of embarrassing revelations that would diminish the credibility of his government.
Any reaction required walking the fine line between demonstrating a commitment to law and order and secretly allowing the drug trade to continue. The rules delineating that balance between the impression of action and preservation of the status quo have been correctly and cynically described as the Pax Narco.
The government reaction to the Posadas Ocampo murder was designed to preserve mutual arrangements, and it relied on a plan of action that would become a standard framework for response that would reappear many times in future narco crises. The strategy for containment involved four different stages of action. Execution was the most expeditious option, with flight or disappearance as a second, albeit less desirable, alternative.
A body was required for presentation to the world. This would unfold, even if cartel leaders had solved the problem internally in stage one by eliminating a trouble-maker or problem. An official narrative would be filtered through journalists who willingly spun the official line, and in return would be compensated by placing them on government or cartel payrolls— often on both.
Well-placed journalists — on substantial retainers— ensured that the official narrative circulated in print and was repeated on radio and in public forums. It involved the systematic release of competing and contradictory narratives to sow confusion and justify government inaction. A confession would be provided wherever possible. The Salinas de Gortari government, abetted by compliant journalists, circulated several competing narratives about the murder of Cardinal Posadas Ocampo and gave the government the freedom to argue it required more time and resources to investigate and comply with the requirements of law.
A compliant or a manipulated press helped sell the vision and helped to sell the Legend of Shorty. The fourth stage is more complicated than has been briefly summarized here, and it involved negotiation and bargaining replete with expectations of trade-offs. Secret pacts? Her line of reasoning is not far-fetched given the evidence magnificently presented by Russell and Sylvia Bartley in their investigation of institutional complicity of the CIA in the murders of both Manuel Buendia and Enrique Camarena.
Bartley and Bartley Over his long career, El Chapo developed a reputation for providing authorities with specific information to cripple competing criminal organizations and leave the Sinaloa group with a market advantage. He must have had a powerful card to lay on the table, because although he would be imprisoned —El Chapo managed to escape with his life, be handed a relatively light sentence, retain his wealth and enjoy a privileged existence in Almoloya de Juarez prison where he effectively ran a narco enterprise from behind its walls It is clear that he had negotiated a pact with the government and was compensated, and somehow managed to retain power with the emerging narco Federation.
The resolution of the Posadas Ocampos murder not only helped the government sell the free trade deal, it reduced the pressure for it to focus on the problem of organized crime. He was owed a reward because he took the blame and neutralized growing international fallout and pressure on the cartels. Specifically, he was instrumental in developing and expanding a tunnel system for which he would become even more notorious after the prison escape He was an expert at forcing concessions exactly while the PRI government was losing control during the Ernesto Zedillo sexenio.
The first prison escape became inevitable with move to decentralization and a shift of power to States and governors. He made the transition and established a power base at the State level, and would go on to play a crucial role in almost every narco event in Mexico that over the next thirteen years before being recaptured in But he would gradually re-establish his place in narcotrafficking and play a major part— along with several others— over the next decade Shifting Plazas Drug trafficking organizations of Mexico do not fit into a singular monolithic and inflexible organizational model.
Mexican cartels have operated with different organizational structures51 and all have changed in response to internal disputes, geo-political factors, and changing market conditions.
Those shifts and the resultant changes will be described below and elaborated elsewhere, and are listed here as a reference point: 1. An intense plaza war between the Sinaloa Federation and the Carrillo Fuentes family 3. Internal disputes within the Sinaloa Federation and a plaza war with the Beltran Leyvas 4. In Mexicali, he moved drugs through tunnels that were inspired by those carved out in the days of Chinese migration years earlier. Business deals involving the family were systematically and regularly leaked to the DEA and to the Mexican PGR, and each of the brothers were picked off one after the other.
A low-grade war zone emerged when the Gulf Cartel resisted the incursion, and Nuevo Laredo, Reynosa and all cities in Tamaulipas became contested plazas abd bloody battle-grounds. The Sinaloa cartel was also maneuvered into a retreat when Los Zetas established new battle-fronts in areas that were previously uncontested Sinaloa plazas: Sinaloa foot soldiers were withdrawn and redeployed to unexpectedly vulnerable strongholds. The Los Zetas strategy forced Sinaloa forces to reorganized to protect their plazas, and spurred the creation of new armed wings and fortified old alliances.
The violence and disputes spread to Guerrero, Jalisco, and Mexico State as the number of groups expanded, and hotspots emerged deeper into central Mexico. His nickname refers to a querulous red army ant, and apparently a fitting representation for his uncouth and bullying swagger. Arturo, the oldest brother, fingered El Chapo for the betrayal and angrily split from the Sinaloa cartel with a bold declaration of war and a wave of violent acts. He also began to refer to himself as Jefe-de- Jefes in a defiant gesture of power.
The Sinaloa Federation and Beltran Leyva split represented the most serious threat faced by the Sinaloa cartel and resulted in a fragmentation and turf battle that continues at the time of this writing mid The fracture was so deep, that not even the death of Arturo or the arrest of other brothers would bring it to an end. During that time, his fame and the legend of Shorty grew. But in the fifth dramatic shift of events in the final months of , he found himself becoming the hunted instead of the hunter.
The election and a return to federalism necessitated revisiting the terms of the Pax Narco and a laying down new guidelines and definitions for the boundaries. Suddently, the Federal government represented an unknown and he became vulnerable. No criminal organization would be allowed to compete directly with the Federal government as an alternate power, and the State would create a climate of benign tolerance toward smaller organizations that were less likely to create international scandals or draw attention to corruption at the national level.
In fact, it represented a shell game and was an illusion in Colombia, and it simply demanded that the drug lords to shift gears and operate without too much noise or out of control violence. In fact, all of the evidence points to the reality that the Sinaloa cartel bosses were in agreement to offer El Chapo as the scapegoat in order to arrive at new Pax Narco. The catalytic event necessitating the restructuring and re-accommodation within the Sinaloa cartel occurred three years earlier with the March, arrest of El Mayo Zambada's eldest son Vicente "Vicentillo" Zambada Niebla in the Pedregal district of Mexico City.
Negotiations within the cartel and between its leaders and the government quietly shifted into high gear when Vincentillo was extradited to Chicago in for arraignment on narcotrafficking charges filed by the US Department of Justice. The younger Zambada was a central confidante to his father, an emerging key player within the Sinaloa cartel franchise system, and privy to information that touched upon every aspect of the narcotraffic business in Mexico.
But the US Department of Justice did not anticipate the powerful bargaining chip that lawyers for the junior Zambada Garcia threw onto the table. They claimed that both Vincentillo and El Mayo had been cooperating with the DEA for several years to leak details about narcotraffic shipments and drug traffickers. The twin brothers had been the chief targets of the Justice Department indictments and they were rumoured to be seeking status as protected witnesses. He left behind telephones and unable to communicate directly with back-up teams for fear that communication links had been compromised during the raid.
There would be no bloody shootout like those portrayed in Al Pacino's Scarface54n or like that in which former ally Arturo Beltran Leyva had been cut to pieces. Rather, the arrest was portrayed as a meek surrender by a protective husband and devoted father apparently more concerned about his young wife and twin daughters in an adjoining bedroom.
Skillfully orchestrated media coverage sold this version of an easy arrest managed by "a government committed to battling organized criminals" and doing it efficiently and humanely. In Mexico, the obvious explanation is rarely the most truthful or accurate— especially when the government controls the telling of the tale. Given the traditional fate of most narco capos, one wonders why El Chapo surrendered without a shot or why marines did not kill him. Guillermoprieto At least three alternate versions of that February arrest are worthy of consideration.
El ultimo narco (Spanish Edition) Tra Edition by Malcolm Beith () Paperback on Paperback; Publisher: Ediciones B; Tra edition (); ASIN: BDCKIG4 I enjoyed the Spanish version of this book very much, reading it on my iPhone 6 Muy buen material, describe los inicios y el desarrollo del narcotrafico en. El último narco (B de Books) (NARCOTRAFICO) (Spanish Edition) Malcolm Beith . "Una fascinante historia de corrupción, feudos sangrientos y negociaciones.
One narrative— the betrayal hypothesis— asserts that the operation unfolded as described, but only because it used inside information supplied by El Mayo Zambada. This second narrative might make more sense than the first, when El Chapo escaped once again 18 months later when it seemed that the government might renege on a negotiated pact and extradite him to the United States. Montenegro and Carrol A third narrative— the retirement option—argues that El Chapo had simply grown tired of running and had negotiated a surrender in order to shift his battles into the judicial arena55 and expose them to a court of public opinion.
About 9 pm on a Saturday evening, the concrete floor in his shower was air-hammered from below to create an opening approximately 12x12 inches 30x30 cm that had access to ladder descending thirty feet 10 metres. Once he climbed down, he had acces to a tunnel that was about 5 feet 1.
The tunnel was equipped with power, lighting, a fresh air supply and a modified motorcycle on a track that ran the length of the tunnel. He climbed down a ladder into the tunnel and mounted a modified motorcycle to travel it length and ascend another ladder into a room in a construction site. From there, he was immediately transported to a nearby airport at San Juan del Rio where where two planes were waiting. There was a considerable delay before prison staff noticed his absence and issued a general alarm.
The Procuraduria General de la Republica produced a professional quality video presenting the details about the the escape and it demonstrates the sophisticated engineering required to build that tunnel and have it enter exactly beneath the shower area in his cell. Procuraduria de la Republica The low population density and numerous plateaus support many secret landing strips among opium and marijuana fields on the edge of those hillsides.
In fact, the timing could not have been worse, since most of the Mexican cabinet had left Mexico for Paris the previous day to begin a major trade initiative and pitch for European investment in Mexico. The campaign in the Golden Triangle would be the largest ever undertaken since Operation Condor in , and furthermore it would also use the same scorched earth tactics that had been used 40 years earlier. And the campaign would represent the end of a Pax Narco that had been in place ever since the first invasion in those same hills forty years later.
Mexican marines were relentless in their raids on villages and hell-bent on shooting at buildings indiscriminately. It is clear that this deliberate shotgun approach was intended to undermine morale and intimidate people into cooperating with in the manhunt for one of their own. Over a three-week period, Mexican Marines swarmed the region in massive manhunt driving residents away from communities like Bastantitas de Abajo and many other small ranchos.
But no one was talking, and El Chapo remained invisible to authorities although there were many who certainly knew of his presence. How could he wander freely?. But that bifurcated explanation is far too simplistic to explain why the Mexican government was unable to recapture El Chapo Guzman immediately after his escape, and why he moved around in relative freedom for 6 months after his escape from Altiplano. Allegiance to El Chapo Guzman has roots in decades of familiarity, friendship, intermarriage and compadrazgo, and is further reinforced by the timeworn code in the sierra that the government is not to be trusted and loyalty to friends is necessary for self-preservation.
Community recalcitrance did not weakened even in the face of the jack-boot tactics employed by the Marines in pursuit of the drug lord, and in fact, the tactics served to remind people of the invasion four decades earlier when Mexican troops displaced their grandparents, uncles and aunts during operation Condor. Mexican and American security agents engaged in a surrealistic game of fox-and-hound with Boots as a moving target.
The mustang eventually made its way toward Tamazula, and audio intercepts indicated that El Chapo was nearby and a Semar helicopter assault descended on the small rancho of Bastantitas de Abajo. However, agents have released reports that it had been monitoring the movements of several women and family members with the hope of locating El Chapo. To suggest that Lucero was another sexual conquest is speculative, but it is undeniably evident that she played a central role as an intermediary in his escape.
There are also rumours that he has ties with important Sinaloa narcotraffickers because of his origins in the heart of the Golden Triangle and Badiguarato municipality.
The resultant 17 minute interview would quickly go viral, and the legend of Shorty added another spectacular chapter. Recapture61 On January 12, , El Chapo Guzman Loera was finally captured after 6 months of freedom and an extensive manhunt that involved hundreds of intelligence agents and as many as a thousand marines. Even more inexplicably, he travelled to a city that was contested turf and largely controlled by his long-time bitter rivals — the Beltran Leyva faction. He moved to a safe house that had recently been fortified during in preparation for him.
Carroll There are conflicting reports about how the specific house and his actual presence were identified, and how Mexican marines came to launch an attack on that place. In fact, much evidence suggests that neither CISEN nor the marines were even aware that he was there until they found themselves in a skirmish to attack that specific house.
The official version asserts that SEMAR command knew of his movements, but were committed to waiting for the right time to move in with minimum loss of life and lower risks of harm to innocent bystanders. One unconfirmed report indicates that Marines had been alerted to strange happenings in the house by neighbours who became suspicious when many strange men had suddenly appeared.
In fact, that report specifically indicates that the most important clue was the delivery of an extraordinarily large number of pizzas. When the ground level had finally secured, the marines shot their way to the second level and blasted through a security door only to discover an empty room. A search, reportedly lasting almost two hours, eventually revealed an ingeniously engineered escape door hidden behind a mirror that led to a tunnel feeding directly into the Los Mochis drain system.
The drain system was itself recently constructed and newly operational. At that point, Mexican Marines issued a general alert and ordered that drain covers be removed in all of the streets across a broad swath of the city. An emergency-band call from municipal police alerted marines to the fact that a man had been arrested by municipal police and that he was being held by them at the nearby Hotel Doux — which coincidently was known as a hotel used for adulterous affairs.
They used their only weapon, an AR to prop open a drain cover and scampered out onto a residential street. At that point, they commandeered an older car driven by a man delivering newspapers, and he called municipal police to report a stolen vehicle. The munis were holding the two men there when the Marines arrived and demanded that they surrender the men to them.
He was moved to different cells on a rotating basis, and assigned minimal privileges — including restricted access to his lawyer or to his family. Was he evaluating what went wrong and who betrayed him? Or was he thinking about his next move? El Chapo had regularly managed to avoid capture, escape close calls with death and scurry away— even when the odds were improbable. He had escaped twice maximum security prisons under improbable circumstances. He walked away unscathed from bloody shoot-outs where he had been specifically targeted for killing.
Each of them included defensive perimeters, accommodation for his ever-present armed guards, and even storage for a large fleet of fortified vehicles. Each of those hide-outs had an interior sanctuary that provided additional safety behind reinforced doors that also allowed him time to flee through ingenious hidden exits feeding directly into tunnels and secret passages. In spite of all those things being engineered and place in Los Mochis, he was trapped— discovered because of a pizza delivery and being prematurely forced into an open space when the new storm sewers of Los Mochis flooded because they were incapable of diverting a light morning rainfall.
He was trapped neither by intelligence nor military force, but simply by chance. Whether deserved it or not, El Chapo was the pre-eminent generational capo and the global emblematic personification of Mexican drug trafficking. The impact of his arrest will be far-reaching, but not necessarily in obvious or predictable ways. Counter-intuitively — the collapse of the Sinaloa cartel — will not be one of the outcomes. But will be, at least, four different consequences of his arrest: a restructuring within the Sinaloa hierarchy which had already been underway , shifting alliances involving other groups and a period of intense disruptive violence, a shift in how Mexico addresses and sells the war on drugs, and finally a move away from explanations rooted in charismatic leadership and toward those explanations that are more organizationally and institutionally based.
These issues will be addressed later, after the history of Drug Cartels is explored in chapter 2 and the historical shifts in alliances have been detailed in chapter three. Department of State. Ahmed, Azam, and Paulina Villegas. Entrevista a el Chapo Guzman En Resuvido - YouTube: Univision. Archibald, Randal C. In New York Times.
Associated Press. Bartley, Russell H. Becerril, Andrea. Beith, Malcolm. The last narco : inside the hunt for El Chapo, the world's most wanted drug lord. New York: Grove Press. Bojorquez, Ismael. Bowden, Charles.
The authors conclude by outlining possibilities for the future, sketching a possible movement to promote social justice. The expedition passed what today are major national parks and landforms: Zion Canyon; Dinosaur Monument; and the Grand Canyon. Thanks for telling us about the problem. This narrative device allows the author to present his cases as if he were recounting them to a friend, drawing in the reader as a friend as well. A search, reportedly lasting almost two hours, eventually revealed an ingeniously engineered escape door hidden behind a mirror that led to a tunnel feeding directly into the Los Mochis drain system. Because of its sweeping scope, groundbreaking research, and the author's intimate knowledge of specific communities, Mexico's Indigenous Communities is a unique and exceptional contribution to Mexican history. There was a considerable delay before prison staff noticed his absence and issued a general alarm.
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Barcelona: Tendencias. Goldman, Franciso. Grayson, George W. Mexico : narco-violence and a failed state? First ed. New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers. Political Analysis. The cartels : the story of Mexico's most dangerous criminal organizations and their impact on U. Grillo, Ioan. El Narco : inside Mexico's criminal insurgency.
New York: Bloomsbury Press. Guevara, Miguel. Guillermoprieto, Alma. Mexico, D. Narcoland : the Mexican drug lords and their godfathers. Kennedy, William.