Breccia Gastone. Oncuqa, I, p. Una nuova lettura del testo agiografico nel BAV, Gr. Sul loro modello la scrittura nilana si trasfor- ma nella nuova rossanese. Altri codici citati: London, BL, Add. Bredehorn Karin. Codex Waldecensis. Fragmente einer griechisch-lateinischen Bibel- handschrift olim Arolsen-Mengeringhausen, Stadtarchiv, s. Archiv fur mittelrheini- sche Kirchengeschichte, 51, , S. Der lateineisch und griechische Text stehen sich jeweils auf einer Doppelseite gegeniiber links lat.
Eine zweisprachige Handschrift der Paulusbriefe ist fur Fulda schon um die Mitte des 9. Breeze Andrew. The Battle of Brunaburh and Welsh tradition. Toutefois, l'a. Le premier date du Xe s. Oxford, Jesus College, Welsh 1 et dans le Hendregadredd ms. Aberystwyth, NL of Wales, Das Bremer Evangelistar.
Eingeleitet und hrsg. Neue Folge, ISSN: V, App. Brown Cynthia J. Brugnoli Giorgio. Pinae margaritae. Otkjoqol, II, p. Nell'emendare un passo degli Hermeneumata Vati- cana sono acutamente individuati due glossemi gre- co il primo, latino il secondo in quello che finora il Goetz considerava un unico lemma greco. L'autopsia del BAV, lat. Elegante discussione filologica in lingua latina.
Brunelli Boberto. Brunner Lance W. Louise, De Bello Cathiline, papier, Buellens Pieter. Bullough D. A neglected early-ninth- century manuscript of the Lindisfarne Vita S. Bullough reprend ici le copieux dossier de la Vita S. Alcuin's Cultural Influence. The Evidence of the Manuscripts.
Al- cuin of York. Scholar at the Carolingian Court. Hou- wen, A. Germania Latina, III. Gronigen, Egbert Forsten, , p. Tandis qu'au XIIe s. Buonocore Marco. Orazio in greco. Interes- santi il parallelo araldico con il BAV, Ross. Burnett Charles. La fabbrica del codice. Materiali per la storia del libro nel tardo medioevo. Under the stimulating leadership of Ezio Ornato quantitative codicology in France and Italy is making rapid progress.
In the present volume a few fundamental codicological problems are treated, which without statistics would have remained unanswered forever. On the basis of solid statistical data, P. At the same time in Italy a strong tendency to use quinios becomes manifest, which will be a standard feature of Italian codices of the 14th and 15th centuries.
The author thus confirms and specifies statistically, with numerous tables and graphs, impressions which were hitherto vague. The selection of ms. In fact, the reasons behind the changes in the quire form remain largely unknown, except of course as far as the materials are concerned. The use of extremely thin parchment in the 13th cent, was important, but the introduction of paper definitely caused a break in the traditions of quire-making: paper quires comprise in general more bifolios than parchment quires.
She offers an interesting geometrical decomposition of the glossed page, but her statistical research, of the highest scientific level and not easy to follow for non-mathematicians, is not very conclusive. An inquiry into the techniques of construction of the glossed page remains a desideratum, e. Their work constitutes a great step forward in our knowledge of the late medieval book. After all, in the three studies reviewed the amount of attention and labour given to establishing the corpus on the most solid bases is striking.
Cacouros Michel. Oncoga, II, p. Romana, , a. Voir sous Ebbesen S. Calligrafia di Dio. Modena, Franco Cosimo Panini, , p. Il catalogo, preceduto da alcuni saggi, comprende 58 schede descrittive di codici provenienti da diverse. Civica; Cesena, B. Antoniana, B. Capitolare, B. Civica, B. Capitolare, BC; Vicenza, B. Camargo Martin. Speculum, 74, 4, , p. Depuis l'ouvrage de N. Il existe 13 mss de ce texte, dont. Cotton Cleopatra B. En outre, le ms. Cambridge, St. John's College, F. Rawlinson D. Canart Mgr Paul. Canova Mariani Giordana. Canellis A. Augustinianum, 39, , p. Pour l'a.
Capezzone L. Capitani Ovidio. Caraci Vela Maria. Carozzi Claude. Carroll Carleton W. Cassarino Mirella. Piccoli saggi, 3. Selon elle, la pratique de la traduction dans le monde arabe jusqu'au XIe s. Castelli Maria Cristina. Catalan Diego. La Estoria de Espana de Alfonso X: creation y evolution. Madrid, Uni- versidad Complutense de Madrid. Fuentes cronisticas de la historia de Espana, 5. Alphonse X historien.
Cataldi Palau Annaclara. OncoQa, II, p. Fi- nora era erroneamente ritenuto di Eutimio Zigabe- no, al quale appartiene solo il testo dei f. Malatestiana, D. Alla loro des- crizione sommaria, in funzione solo dei frammenti esichiani, segue una dettagliata ed esauriente analisi interna ed esterna dell'Auct. Sono menzionati anche: Athos, Lavra, B. X , Prix: ESP. Catalogus codicum medii aevi manuscripto- rum qui in bibliotheca Universitatis Wratisla- viensis asservantur signa compre- hendens.
Bibliotheca Universitatis Wratislaviensis. Au courant du 19e s. Description des mss p. Audoribus magnas gra- tias agimus moxque secundum volumen visuri spera- mus. Ceccanti Melania. Ceunen Marika. Voir nos 65, Chavero Blanco Francisco. Archivum Franciscanum Historicum, 92, , p. Henquinet comme un brouillon autographe de S.
Christ among the Medieval Dominicans. Edited by Kent Emery Jr. Prix: cloth USD. Thomas d'Aquin, mais aussi chez s. Braidense, Cod. Pour Kent Emery Jr. Chronica Tertullianea et Cyprianea Die Chronik des Saba Malaspina. Hannover, Hahnsche Buchhandlung, , 80, X p. Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Scriptores, XXXV. This critical edition of the Chronicle of Saba Malaspina continues the prestigious tradition of the Monumenta Germaniae Historica.
For students of Frederic II and the last of the Hohenstaufen line, and more largely for the rough-and-tumble world of 13th-c. Italian politics, this volume is a most welcome addition to the list of high quality source materials available to medievalists. The magisterial introduction fully discusses Saba Malaspina and his work. It begins with an extended treatment of the a. A Roman by birth, the a. This curial connection was apparently the springboard to the a. Probably the title of magister carried by him indicates more than membership in the pontifical scribal college but that he had also completed formal education in a stu- dium.
The introduction goes on to consider the work's contents; its historiographical significance; the a. Saba's own title for the work describes its focus: Liber gestorum regnum Sicilie. Written between while at the papal Curia, it covers the dramatic and tumultuous events in southern Italy from the birth of Manfred to the death of Charles of Anjou But it is something more besides : an impressive piece of history writing, as the a.
Each is described in detail. The editors. Where possible, the Paris ms. Given the general decision to respect medieval orthography, the appeal to classical norms for this last emendation seems curious. Do note, however, that the orthographical peculiarities of the Paris ms. For the sake of clarity the punctuation is modernized. Accompanying the edition are a copious bibliography and notes, plus indexes of sources for Biblical citations, ancient and medieval authors, 13th-c.
Tulli Ciceronis. De finibus bonorum et malorum libri quinque. Recognovit brevique adnotatione critica instruxit L. Oxford, Clarendon Pr. Vatican, BAV, Pal. Florence, B. Leyde, BPL, Gronov. XIIe s. Erlangen, UB ; a. Ciliberti Galliano. Studi francescani, 96, , p. Classen Albrecht. Rapporti Ira codice, testo e figurazione. Firenze, Leo Olschki Editore, , p. In questa sede si segnalano in particolare i contributi di Gemma Andreose e di Susy Marcon. Codices Miscellanearum.
Colloque Van Hul- them, Bruxelles, Van Dijk Eds. Van Hulthem. Jan Phillipsz. Westphal compare le ms. Niirnberg, Germanisches Nationalmuseum, a. C'est donc un aspect innovateur dans le ms. Tenant compte, en outre, de la langue et du support de papier du ms. Van Hulthem, l'a. Van Hulthem p. Cohen Adam S. The Art of Reform in a Bavarian Nunnery around Emmeran de Ratisbonne.
Cohen Esther. The Animated Pain of the Body. American Historical Review, , , p. This article examines expressions of physical pain in Western Europe during the 13thth c. Seeking to explain the restraint in such expression typically displayed by medieval men and women as well as to show the transition to the increasing acceptance of verbal articulation manifested in the early modern era, the a.
The result is a fine example of social and cultural history. Colledge, O. Collomb Pascal. Introduction [au vol. Gryson et C. Gabriel avec la collaboration de H. Bourgois et H. Die Reste der altlateinischen Bibel. Nach Petrus Sabatier neu gesammelt und Hrsg. Aus der Ge- schichte der lateinischen Bibel, ISBN: 3- M, le palimpseste ambrosien ms. Milan, B. Einsiedeln, Stiftsbibl. IXe s. Conrad d'Eberbach. Traduit du latin par f Anthelmette Pie- bourg. Introduction de Brian P. Studia et documenta, VII. Note de lecture p.
L'auteur ne cite pas les travaux de D. Contamine Philippe. Cook Robert. Revue des langues romanes, , , 1, p. Harley ; Paris, BNF, n. Bodmer Cornagliotti Anna. Prix: DKK. Il se trouve que son actuel directeur, Sten Ebbesen, est en partie. Quaestiones supra librum priorum. Thuonis de Vibergia Opera. Disputata Me- taphysicae.
Cortese Delia. Ismaili and other Arabie Manuscripts. London — New York, I.
Coulson Frank T. Manuscripta, 40, , p. Crimi Carmelo. Cruz Anne J. Prix: CAD. Avec ce livre original et brillant, Anne Cruz nous offre des pistes suggestives d'investigation. Curtis Liane. Simon Mellet, scribe of Cambrai Cathedral. D'autre part, L. En conclusion, L. Cyprien de Carthage. Introduction, texte critique, traduction, notes et index par Michel Poirier. Daly Peter M. Literature in the Light of the Emblem.
Second edition. ISBN: 0- Pastoureau et W. D'Angelo Edoardo. Dann Otto. Davis Lisa Fagin. The Gottschalk Anti- phonary. Music and Liturgy in Twelfth-Century Lambach. Cambridge Studies in Palaeography and Codicology. En et en , Robert G. Typ facs. Grolier, facs. D'azur et d'argent. L'art du blason en Champagne. Dees Anthonij. Revue de linguistique romane, 62, , , p. De generatione Christi. Ein typologisches Lehrgedicht des hohen Mittelalters Inc.
Prima luce deum. Prix: CHF. Il reprend aussi des noms de l'Ancien Testament. Ces deux mss font de la part de l'a. De Gregorio Giuseppe. De Groote M. Working towards an understanding of the medieval view of leprosy, the a. Treating successively theorica definition, classification, causes, description and practica diagnosis, prognosis, therapeutics and then illustrating what has just been said with the story of an actual instance of the disease a detailed and dramatic account by the 14th-c.
Montpellier physician Jean de Tourne- mire of his daughter's deadly affliction and miraculous cure , the a. Delcourt Thierry. D'or et d'argent Pastoureau et R. Traschsler cf. Pastoureau , une suite de suggestions pour animer tournois, joutes Trachsler , ou comme l'a. Deleani Simone. Dell'Omo Mariano. Voir nos , Demaitre Luke. Medieval Notions of Cancer: Malignancy and Metaphor. Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 72, , p. Dennison Lynda. Derolez Albert. Lato- mus, 55, , p. Un ms. Deschamps Jan , Mulder Herman. Tweede af levering. Very soon after the first instalment of the inventory of Middle Dutch mss in the Royal Library in Brussels cfr.
It contains the description of 57 codices and fragments. The codices are mostly prayer books and books of hours; among the fragments there are remnants of chivalric romances and other literary works. Again the focus is on the content of the mss and their history. Even the shortest and most unobtrusive prayers have been detailed and often identified the indication of the Latin original, where possible, is most helpful. The identification of all texts, short and long, is above all praise and the bibliographic research done by he authors is an admirable performance.
However, the non-specialist reader will be disappointed, seeing that pages are devoted to the analysis of prayer books, whilst for fragments of romances the inventory simply refers to the extant literature sans plus. The history of the mss before they reached the Royal Library and got their present press-mark is treated in equally full detail. In this field too very extensive research has been done. No doubt the results could mostly have been printed in a more abbreviated form than they appear now.
As has been observed already, information on co- dicological features is extremely limited: material, number of folios, size, number of columns, number of hands and type of script according to the Lief- tinck system. Ruling, decoration and binding are not even mentioned. In conformity with tradition, all quotations from the mss are in diplomatic transcription, although one wonders what are the advantages of this complicated way of rendering the text, which makes reading difficult.
From the present fascicle onwards, a detailed survey of prayer texts is added at the end, in order to alleviate the description of the prayer books. The texts are numbered Gl to G78 and are provisionally in a random order. It is announced p. The cumulative list of described mss. IX-XI is not reader-friendly, and will no doubt be less so in the forthcoming fascicles.
Why not simply give a list of the press-marks and titles, all in the same type, followed by the number of the fascicle in which each ms. Deschepper Catherine. Je veux mes amis saluer La traduction d'un texte ancien, nul ne l'ignore, est un art difficile et ingrat. Santucci Champion, , que guide avant tout un objectif scientifique, et d'autre part celles de M. De Senneville-Grane Ghislaine.
Desjardins Mireille. Desmond Karen. Paris, BNF, Ms. Litterae Hagiologicae, 4, , p. Le codex est en fait une compilation de seize Vies de saintes femmes. Devoti Luciana. XXVI s. Munich, BSB, Clm at- trib. Diez de Revenga Torres Pilar. Glossae, 8, , p. Paris, Arch. Di Stefano G. Dm Isabelle. Documenti Medievali Greci e Latini. Studi Comparativi. Atti del seminario di Erice 29 ottobre Incontri di Studio, I.
Les premiers. Vocation tardive? Aspiration au repos? Kohler, qui ne compte pas moins de pages. Le travail de M. T serait le meilleur mais, largement en-. La Fleur des Histoires Edition und lexikalische Analyse. Beiheite zur Zeitschrift fur Romanische Philologie, Paris, BNF, fr. BN, fr. C'est le premier ms. Un second manuscrit complet du Sermo contra Pelagium d'Augustin S.
En l'a. Depuis lors F. Dorandi Tiziano. Le Stylet et la tablette. Dans le secret des auteurs antiques. Et enfin, l'auteur aborde, dans un 7e chap. Une bibliographie p. Doyle A. Stephen Dodesham of Wi- tham and Sheen. Of the Making of Books Oxford, Trinity Coll. Glasgow, Univ. Hunterian, T. En effet, l'a. Edited by Alan Hindley. Medieval Texts and Cultures for Northern Europe, 1. Hull, auxquelles furent adjointes douze nouvelles contributions. L'ouvrage ne mentionne malheureusement aucun ms.
Puis, R. Knight se penche sur le cas de Lille p. Strietman p. Van Hemelryck.
Dufournet J. Durand Georges-Mathieu, O. Duvosquel Jean-Marie. Early Medieval Chants from Nonantola. Part IV. Edited by Lance W. Madison, A-R Editions, Inc. Prix: USD. Ebbesen Sten. Oxford, Bodl. Das Eckenlied. Sdmtliche Fassungen hrsg. Die altbezeugten Versionen El, E2 und Strophe Anhang: Die Ecca-Episode aus der Thidrekssaga.
Altdeut- sche Textbibliothek, ISBN: kart. Es ist kein Geheimnis, da! Fassung L. Teil I, S. Karlsruhe, Badische Landesbibliothek, Cod. Do- naueschingen 74, S. Ein Hinweis darauf, da! Ausdriicklich begrufien mul3 man den zweisprachi- gen Abdruck der Ecca-Episode aus der Thidrekssa- ga, die den ersten Teil warum eigentlich den ersten?
Die kleine Leseausgabe beruht, wie im Vorwort S. VIII ausgewiesen wird, auf H. Bertelsens Edition und F. Hagen u. Berlin, , Teil 2, S. Deshalb ist die Edition so wich- tig, und die zahlreichen Verbesserungen gegen von der Hagen und Primisser zeigen, wie notwendig sie war. Von el gab es bisher nur eine durch K. Il s'agit donc de diplomatique, de droit, de pouvoir. Cambridge University Library, Dd. Eljenholm Nichols Ann. Emery Pierre- Yves. Euw Anton von. Der Aratus Latinus in Hs. Der Verf. Falcone di Benevento. Chronicon Be- neventanum.
A cura di Edoardo d'Angelo. Per Verba. Testi me- diolatini con traduzione. Collana diretta da Claudio Leonardi, 9. ISBN: 7-X. We are fortunate to be presented here with a critical edition of Falcone of Benevento's Chronicon Beneventanum, coupled with an Italian translation on facing pages. Falcone ca. Notary, scribe, and judge in Benevento, the a. Using documents, the testimony of others including a well-. During this time Benevento was torn internally by competing groups and pulled without by popes and Norman princes.
Among the crucial historical events covered are the creation of the Norman Regno of Sicily, the Schism of , and imperial involvement in Italian affairs. But beyond shedding light on these, the Chronicon also reveals a host of commonplace yet fascinating details about social, religious, and cultural life. The edition is based on early printed versions of the work plus the following mss, all of which are early modern: Vatican, BAV, Barb. The constructed stemma codicum traces the Chronicon back through a lost copy executed ca.
The great temporal distance between the extant textual witnesses and the autograph, plus the fact that there are no other works by Falcone with which to compare his Chronicon, makes for an editorial problem regarding the original orthography. Given this, the editor opts for an approach that relies to some degree on philological expertise and sensitivity to create an acceptable and readable text. The result is necessarily artificial, but given the problem, about which the editor has thought long and hard, this was the best solution. Punctuation is modern.
The introduction, which begins with a biographical account of Falcone and an overview of Benevento's history during his time, also discusses the historiographical character and significance of his work, plus his language, style, and sources. Falkenstein Ludwig.
Fasbender Christoph. Versuch liber redaktio- nelle Tendenzen im Cpg Zeitschrift fur deutsches Altertum und deutsche Liter atur, , , S. In der Heidelberger Hs. Texteingriffe des. Felberg-Levitt Margaret. Fuentes cronisticas de la historia de Espana, 6. Il s'agit d'une restructuration du. L'excellente position du ms. Autre chose: le texte du ms. On constate qu'il connaissait parfaitement les habitudes de l'atelier alphonsien et qu'il s'est servi, sporadiquement toutefois, des sources latines, notamment de la Chronique de Sigebert de Gembloux.
Ss, ms. F 88 et BN, ant. Fernandez Parrilla Gonzalo. Fernandez Valverde Juan. Ferrari Mirella.
Immagini fredde e im- magini scintillanti. Virgilio e il chiostro. Ferraro Vettore Paolo. Si segnalano, in questa sede, i mss. Festgabe fur Dieter Neitzert zum Ge- burtstag. Udolph, p. Schubert, p. Aufgebauer, p. Scheuermann, p. Streich, p. Boockmann, p. Mindermann, p. Hoheisel, p. Ohainski, p. Bur- schel, p. Hinrichs, p. Kuhn, p. Schiitz, p. Neifeind, p. Les a. Ferretti Bernardino. Benedidina, 45, , p. Fill Huke. Tafen Philosophisch-Historische Klasse. Denkschriften, Prix: ATS Parmi eux, il faut signaler: le CC Cim.
CC 16 ms. La liste des incipit p. Fiori e'Frutti santi. Benedetto, la Rego- la, la santitd nelle testimonianze dei manoscritti cassinesi. A cura di Mariano Dell'Omo. L'imagine di s. Fischer Klaus-Dietrich. Latomus, 54, , p. Follieri Enrica. Nilo da Rossano si fonda su tre testimo- ni: Grottaferrata, B. Interessanti note anche sulle vicende storiche dei tre codici. Badia, Z. Mss, H; Borna, B. Vallicelliana, H. Formentin Maria Rosa.
Un rapido p. La seconda parte del saggio dell'a. Dei rimanenti mss l'a. Forstner Karl. Studien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des Benediktiner- ordens und seiner Zweige. De plus, le ms. Dans cet article sont reproduits des folios de ces divers codices dont on peut ainsi mieux analyser les diverses graphies. Franceschini Ezio. Fredborg Karin Margareta. Promisi- mus. Frede Hermann Josef. Fredouille Jean-Claude. Friedman John Block.
Vestigia, Ambrosiana, B 32 inf. Estense, Campori 42 T. Coislin , ; Paris, BNF, lat. Frova Caria. Fukumoto Naoyuki. Gabriel C. Gamillscheg Ernst. Ontoqa, I, p. Ganz D. Garrido i Valls Josep-David. El Lli- bre de la crdnica de Sicilia. An evolutionary history can be constructed, but its linearity may be deceptive. Maybe each grade was assumed to contain within itself the attributes of all the lower ranks, with each a potential entry point for suitably qualified candidates, but without the orders being treated as later as a single cumulative process, in which each conferred distinct powers that had to be received retrospectively if any stage was omitted.
A sacramental ordination which imposes a theological character implies and almost requires infusion. But what of conferral? Here another ritualized aspect of ordination needs attention: the traditio instrumentorum, when the bishop gave the ordinand the symbolic instruments of his rank.
If a functional sense of ordination holds, it impacts on understanding of the structure and working of the earlier church. How many priests did the Church actually need? How did the ordination hold if it did not infuse a specific character into the ordinand? More priests would be required only as they were needed to undertake local pastoral care and as private churches proliferated in the final centuries of the first millennium to increase provision of sacramental services.
No extensive ordination records survive before the 13th century. The scrappy figures available for 8th- and 9th-century papal ordinations are largely uninformative. However, if they are at all complete records of priestly ordinations, they suggest that few new appointments were needed they also, however, suggest See below, pp.
Paul Cavill Cambridge: , 52— However, they often remained all too obviously flawed and very human men. Fundamentally, priesthood distinguished priests within human society; it did not extract or exclude them from it. There might well be regional variations invisible in the sources and formal regulations may or may not have worked. The ban on ordaining men of servile status had been impossible to sustain in the preceding centuries, in a context of real lordly control over churches and their personnel.
Zum Fried Sigmaringen: , — A presumed universal code of basic qualifications for admission to the clerical orders developed in the later Middle Ages, applicable from the subdiaconate upwards and therefore some time before priestly ordination. Most could be canonically by-passed with a papal dispensation; evasion is revealed when tortured consciences or anxieties about career progression impelled those affected to rectify their position.
A widower of only one wife if he had been her sole husband could still become a priest. Even the currently married might be legally ordained, if the wife adopted a religious life to free her husband for priesthood. In the early 12th century, the minimum age for admission to priesthood was 30, and 25 for deacons. As long as only those orders demanded celibacy individuals could delay committing themselves to an Jill B. Hughes ed. Anne T. Thayer and Katharine J. For dispensations see e. Clarke and Patrick N. Zutshi, eds. For the canonical position post-Gratian, R.
The bar also disappeared where serfdom eroded. For one case, Lincoln, Lincolnshire Archives Office, for. It was also late enough to make higher orders a real career and lifestyle choice between priesthood and continued lay status; and the minimum age was never the obligatory age for assuming orders. The 12th-century imposition of celibacy on subdeacons, and the later reduction in the minimum ordination age for priests to 25, perhaps changed some of the calculations, but not radically.
As long as the subdiaconate was delayed, there was no irrevocable career commitment. The titular system went back a long way: joining the clerical ranks required an assurance of guaranteed income. The title identified the post, which its occupant would be expected to hold or serve for life, originally within the episcopal city or cathedral.
By this arrangement was already challenged by the rise of rural churches, less directly under episcopal control, but still available to provide income as titles under the same rules. The assumption that it would be held for life might prove ill founded. Clerics were driven out, or fled, and thereby lost their titles, but continued to act as clerics. Illicit ordinations also meant that some never held a formal title. For the change in ordination ages, compare Emil Friedberg ed. Corpus iuris canonici, 2 vols.
Leipzig: — , vol. On abandonment of orders, Ralph V. Harper-Bill and R. Harvey Woodbridge, uk: , 30— Amsterdam: , the origins at 7—9. Kate Cooper and Julia Hillner Cambridge: , — Roman synod referred to clerics as ordained to churches, suggesting that ordination was still envisaged as a matter of replacing predecessors, or manning a new church. In Pope Alexander iii changed the rules. However, ending the obligatory link opened up less formal career opportunities, which fuelled the subsequent considerable increase in clerical numbers and their fluctuations.
Exactly how titles divorced from benefices were demonstrated and tested remains unclear. In the only surviving substantial ordination records, from England, most titles are provided by religious houses in numbers far beyond their actual needs, so they must be in some sense fictitious. Yet the earliest of these records suggest that a low-level parochial post was often envisaged at least as providing initial employment, while others were indeed drawing on their own or family resources, or relied on private patrons.
Such titles were probably unenforceable after ordination, so that for most clerics job and income security remained unattainable. Personal qualities and character did matter, including a vague scientia, but testing was not to be too strict, and suitability might be generalized to little more than a good local reputation. Pre-ordination assessments did test learning, and bishops sometimes required those with insufficient skills to receive further instruction, but the assessments could be subverted by fraud.
Tanner 1. Davis, eds. Mayr-Harting and R. Salonen and Hanska, Entering a Clerical Career, — Johannes de Burgo, Pupilla oculi, 7. Wider checking of credentials occurred at parochial visitations. The overall rigour of these arrangements is unclear. If there was a perceived shortage of priests, both the authorities and the laity may have tolerated a reduction in quality to ensure continuity of spiritual provision. Priests clearly did need education, not just inspiration.
With no formal seminaries, the arrangements for priestly training in the pre-Tridentine church are notoriously elusive. The main requirement was training in pastoral care rather than the abstractions of theology. There are signs of some kind of preparation. Early episcopal households served as training grounds for priests, possibly the starting point for the early cathedral schools.
With the emergence of parishes, and the proliferation of rural churches served by their own priest distant from the cathedral, alternative forms of training were needed. In the absence of seminaries although training schools of a kind are recorded in 15th-century Ireland ,47 this would be more akin to apprenticeship than education. Where clerical dynasties transmitted a family benefice by hereditary succession, such training was perhaps like preparation to assume an inheritance. Elsewhere, boys and young men were placed with serving priests to learn the trade. Honor of Leonard E.
Jacqueline Brown and William P. For a rejected candidate, R. Summary survey in Christopher M. Ronald B. Begley and Joseph W. Koterski New York: , 35— Michael A. In 14th-century Italy, such arrangements were sometimes recorded in formal apprenticeship agreements. Possibly expectations varied, those for a mere Mass priest whose function was simply to celebrate for souls being different from those applied to a priest with full cure of souls.
This may have become a more pressing concern in the late medieval centuries, when progression from acolyte to priest became swifter at least in England. Even if frequently ignored before , the interstices in the cursus honorum of orders, and the very idea of such progression, presumably had some purpose.
To ensure that each individual was properly trained for each rank in the ministry, the intervals between each stage allowing acquisition of the required next level of learning and experience. English ordination lists from before suggest that the interstices were then still being taken reasonably seriously.
By , however, ordinands regularly progressed from subdeacon to priest at three successive Ember Day ceremonies—over barely six months. This allowed commitment to the Church to be deferred the decisive age being now the twenty-five required for a priest ; possibly candidates who opted for a clerical career only shortly before becoming subdeacons were also less well prepared for their new duties and would need further post-ordination training.
Yet it is noteworthy, perhaps Rubin Princeton, nj: , — With its manifold hurdles, the process of becoming a priest was intentionally testing. It was also a process that the authorities could police only with difficulty. The quality of the candidates was always an issue, because so many extraneous factors and forces played on the individuals who put themselves, or were put, forward. Ideally, priesthood should be a vocation, but it was also a job and a career.
Its opportunities and rewards often clashed with the theological and moral emphases of a vocation directed towards the cure of souls. Becoming a priest was one thing; being a priest something entirely different. The men who became priests between and can probably be numbered in millions. Lack of sources constrains commentary on priestly experience before the 12th century, other than through the normative expectations promulgated in legislation which show that expectations were not being met. Only with the clear separation of clergy and laity in the 12th century, and with the massive expansion of the literate culture in all its aspects in subsequent centuries,55 can priestly experiences be effectively described and assessed.
See criticisms in William de Melton, Sermo exhortatorius cancellarii Eboracensis hii qui ad sacros ordines petunt promoveri London: c. The classic discussion, despite its Anglocentric focus, is M.
The majority relate to spiritual roles and functions: confessor, celebrant, teacher, anointed, celibate, and pastor—aspects which can be differentiated yet merge and overlap as the cure of souls. Two aspects are more social, locating the priest within his community. In his parish he was a neighbour to his parishioners as well as their priest, and would be expected to be a good neighbour. Yet as neighbour and priest he might also be perceived as an enemy, because he failed to be a good neighbour, or because, as a priest, he was considered either too assiduous and demanding or too lax.
The essential point here is that priests lived among other people. Being only human despite being conceptually higher than angels , almost by definition many would fail to meet all of the demands and expectations of their life. Following the 12th-century tectonic shift, priests and all would-be priests had to cope with the economic and social forces and pressures of contemporary life. For some, these provided opportunities to exploit; for others, contexts in which they were exploited. Essentially, the clerical life became a career path, with its attendant temptations and rewards, successes and disappointments.
Tensions arose when lay expectations for the quality of clergy were not fulfilled even if laypeople often appointed those clerics, using their patronage to satisfy other more worldly requirements. Assorted pressures pushed inappropriate candidates into the Church, or individuals became clerics for the wrong reasons. In the new context of the later medieval church, being a priest made new demands. In both spheres there was continuity with the past, but also drastic change. One obvious change was a considerable increase in the number of priests around, meeting a demand fuelled by the emphasis on provision of Masses, especially after around Masses to speed souls through Purgatory.
The number of priests needed across Europe before the tectonic shift cannot be determined; nor can it be determined afterwards, despite the great increase in. Yet numbers manifestly increased, considerably. The only country which provides significant series of ordination lists is England, where they survive incompletely from the 13th century onwards. There, total numbers of secular clerics including all ranks have been estimated at around 33, in the 13th century, dropping significantly after the Black Death but recovering to around 26, by Most would have to be content with lesser posts, short-term contracts with the potential for renewal , or just making do.
Many earned a living within the late-medieval economy of salvation, saying Masses to ease souls through Purgatory. They and others served as parochial auxiliaries, often as full-time replacements for absentee incumbents. Many of these low-status priests were virtually indistinguishable from their lay relatives.
Born as peasants, they lived among peasants in village communities. In towns their situation might be different, but they would still often be no more than employees and hired labour. The stress on the redemptive power of the Mass and the potency of priestly intercession to secure a speedy transit through Purgatory after death made laypeople ever more anxious about the quality and effectiveness of their priests. Sermons delivered there, or explicitly addressed to clergy, were sometimes merely hortatory condemnations of abuses and complaints about failure Robert N. Pierre Bonnassie, Flaran 13 Toulouse: , 61— Others, more usefully, provided templates, which, in their depersonalized idealism, suggest what might be expected.
This divine ministry requires moral qualities. In dealing with subjects, the priest has several duties and roles 56—7. The ministry of curing occurs through confession. There, the priest cures using the authority of God drawing on the parable of the Good Samaritan, with Christ as the Samaritan and the priest as the inn-keeper who acts on his commission. Being a priest had other complications. While priests or clergy in general could extract role models and inspiration from many sources, before there The latter version is in Lupton, Life of Colet, — Similar expectations appear in the two other sermons, at 36—52, 60— The stress was perhaps on using similarities to validate and sustain rather than on imposing a template.
They, therefore, had to be models of purity. Before the 12th century the problem may have been even more profound, because the questionable character of a priest—his personal character, without the reassurance of his sacramental character—might raise doubts about the validity of his consecrations. Even when the priest merely invoked a consecration theologically performed by the Holy Spirit, his personal suitability to do so might be contested. Anxiety was frequently voiced about the effectiveness of sacraments performed by a priest of poor character: would Christ willingly act through an unfit instrument?
More threateningly, that the priest was merely a channel left priesthood itself fragile and insecure. If sacraments were merely utterances, the recital of transformative words, why should their performance be restricted to priests? The threat that lay people might claim to enact the Eucharist aroused some concern in the 12th century; the relevant texts remained in circulation throughout the following centuries.
Again, especially after , with the definitive condemnation of clerical marriage, the priest also rejected contemporary ideas of lay masculinity by rejecting lay status, yet remained visibly a man. What this meant for his subsequent gendered status has recently been a topic of considerable academic interest, raising questions as yet unresolved. Whatever the answer, he might still be perceived as a man by his contemporaries—sometimes too much of a man.
For the priest himself, the challenges of renouncing manhood while remaining physically and psychologically male often proved too much. Continued clerical sexuality was a problem throughout the later Middle Ages, although laypeople were often tolerant of concubinage despite the views of the ecclesiastical authorities. How the priest conducted himself as a human being on whom ordination had conferred a status above that of angels was one thing, and certainly mattered. Even more important was how he conducted himself in his priestly roles as ritual actor and guide for souls seeking salvation especially by hearing confession and 67 Macy, Hidden History, 42— Hadley Harlow: , —77; Jennifer D.
Jennifer D. Thibodeaux Basingstoke: These two aspects of being a priest were distinct, the balance between them varying for each individual priest. Duns Scotus suggested that at priestly ordination the traditio instrumentorum conferred the power to confect the Eucharist and the gift of the Spirit the power to absolve. Despite the great significance of the Mass and the consecrated host in pre-Reformation catholicism, consecration was essentially functional and repetitive, almost mechanical.
The demand, mainly from the laity, had to be met. The constant discussion throughout the millennium of theological issues surrounding the process and meaning of consecration, which developed into the doctrine of transubstantiation, necessarily impacted on appreciations of priests and priesthood, and contributed to the exaltation of status and intense expectations of priestly behaviour.
This of course included provision of sacraments other than the Mass; the salvific sacraments of baptism and extreme unction were especially valued at least from the 13th century as safeguards against being consigned to damnation. Absolution was also valued, especially on the deathbed. A priest who let children and adults die unbaptized or without the last rites earned enemies.
Pastoral care—the cure of souls—involved both teaching and healing. The laity had to be taught how to live Christian lives, to avoid sin, to share in catholic faith and practices, to take responsibility for their own salvation, and to die fully prepared for the afterlife. As sinners, they would repeatedly fall short of their goals. Their defects—their sins—had therefore to be healed, by confession and absolution, to remove the guilt of the sin and perform penance to assuage the divine demand for satisfaction, either in this world or the next.
The basic teaching responsibilities of pastoral care were unchanging across the centuries, and ubiquitous. Their early history is only patchily revealed in 71 Wenzel, Latin Sermon Collections, Wenzel, Latin Sermon Collections, He had knowledge which could be misused and which would make people wary of him. A major priestly fault one reason why parishioners might choose to confess to friars and other visiting priests was the revelation of information acquired in confession.
At first, most monks were, by definition, laymen. Their souls would need a curate, but early monks were not expected to become priests, as they could only do so with permission of the abbot, and perhaps on his orders rather than by choice. Beverly Mayne Kienzle ed. Thomas J. Heffernan, Tennessee Studies in Literature, 28 Knoxville, tn: , 30— Scholarship tends to focus on penance rather than confession as such, but the two go together; see e.
Abigail Firey Leiden: , 73— Late medieval evidence shows that their profession, or the presentation of their superior, substituted for a title. If monk-priests did exercise a cure of souls, it would normally be only for their fellows, or possibly for associates of the monastery. Otherwise, they undertook priestly duties only with episcopal permission or commission. Yet the numbers of priest-monks increased rapidly after , and by they constituted a considerable segment of the monastic population.
Thus, Masses could be offered in exchange for endowments by all varieties of male regulars, eventually including the friars. Late-medieval regulars who became priests acted as confessors, celebrated Masses, and undertook the cure of souls. They especially the friars were sometimes competitors and rivals of the secular parish clergy.
The Augustinian and Premonstratensian canons perhaps engaged most directly with the full cure of souls, through their holding of parish churches. His Festial was among the most popular sermon series in late medieval England, even going into print.
Susan Powell ed. II, 2 vols. While numbering in their thousands rather than millions, as prelates, magnates, landlords, administrators, statesmen, and saints, bishops are more prominent in the records than ordinary priests. This applies across the whole millennium, but increasingly so with the proliferation of records often generated by episcopal administrations in the later medieval centuries.
Again, though, all bishops were individuals and their individual careers vary greatly, challenging and confounding generalization. The role of a bishop changed greatly over these centuries. The 6th century was still the era of sub-Roman senatorial bishops, at least in those parts of continental Europe where they retained the resources to emulate that model, or have been portrayed as doing so.
Alfred H. See also Gibaut, Cursus honorum , —26, —45, and comments. The lack of centralization in both ecclesiastical and secular structures before —perhaps especially the absence of a dominant or domineering papacy—gave bishops considerable freedom of action and they were not firmly tied into a rigid machinery of church or state.
Yet they were tied to their dioceses: in what was still a fairly primitive church structure, the bishop was a leader and focal point of his bishopric, even if not necessarily in full control. Someone like Hincmar of Rheims, a major political figure in the 8th century, is perhaps uncharacteristically prominent. Francesca Tinti Woodbridge, uk: , John H.
Noble and J. Smith Cambridge: , There his search for spiritual renewal brought conflict with the administrator-archbishop, Berenguer of Narbonne. The gap was filled more by practical evolutions than theological developments. In fact, so was the power of confirmation, which was also considered sacramental in due course. Lastly, so was the power to produce chrism, the necessary ingredient of baptism, which did not become sacramental. Together, these powers seemed to make the bishop a specific channel of grace, arguably more than just a priest.
It is, perhaps, surprising that episcopacy did not become a separate order within the late-medieval structure, for many aspects of the role might justify that evolution. Indeed, miracles were occasionally associated with the chrism produced by saintly bishops, as in an 11th-century Life of Ulrich, bishop of Augsburg d.
If episcopacy was not an order, then consecration as a bishop was not ordination; but this distinction probably eluded non-theologians. How far episcopal consecration was considered indelible in the early centuries is unclear. Some ex-bishops maintained their claims to the status as exiles, but perhaps considered their expulsions or depositions invalid. The fact that a translated bishop did not need to be reconsecrated, yet lost jurisdictional authority over his former diocese and had to acquire it over the new one, shows a distinction between the power of orders and jurisdiction which could be applied to an ex-bishop.
Having abandoned 94 Louis B. Maureen C. This was particularly important with ordinations. Such a bishop could not convey the authority to exercise the function of order, even if he could confer the rank. Ex-bishops appear exercising non-diocesan spiritual authority from the late s, like the retired archbishops of Armagh who acted as suffragan bishops in English dioceses in the early s. However, the idea that the bishop was indissolubly married to his see eroded as translations were at first accepted and then became routine.
Other forces also undermined the connection. In the early Medieval Church the exiguous sources suggest that the standard model of the clerical life was of groups of clergy living a common but not monastic life especially so for the cathedral community, headed by its bishop. As the Church became less urban, individual clerics, who were not necessarily priests, came to staff small dependent churches at some distance from the civic center.
That the communal model was already under threat in the 8th century is suggested in the Rule compiled by Chrodegang of Metz, in which the bishop rules as monarch within the cathedral community. The latter requires attention here. The bishop authorized and implemented parochial appointments and the beneficed clergy promised Busy bishops often left such tasks to delegates or substitutes, while the ritual of public Lenten penance decayed as customs changed and private penances became the norm.
However, even this situation could be circumvented. They could concede some of that spiritual jurisdiction to other bishops: clerical subjects might receive ordination from other bishops through letters dimissory, or a suffragan or visiting bishop might be delegated to perform ordinations. Medieval Europe was a Europe of bishops and dioceses, but ruling a diocese might be too much for one man, especially if his presence was required elsewhere. There were many reasons why a diocese might lack an active diocesan, not least during a vacancy in the see. Although somewhat marginalized in the scholarship, these auxiliaries cannot be ignored, and raise questions about how bishops and episcopacy should be defined and described.
In the earlier phase from to , to include all the variants they occupy three main roles: as missionaries in areas not yet carved up into dioceses notably the Germany evangelized by Boniface, but also—earlier— Augustine in England, consecrated bishop without a see ; as substitutes for bishops absent or otherwise incapacitated; and as stand-ins during the formal vacancy of a bishopric.
Isidore refers to them also as vicarii. Cambridge: , 35— Amsterdam: , 23—; Robert A. Markus, Gregory the Great and his World Cambridge: , — Subsequent history summarized at cols. The Irish church may have had chorepiscopi of some kind, but the evidence is confused and imprecise.
See, e. The old canons were augmented by new forgeries, in the pseudoIsidorian Decretals, and the auxiliaries were undermined. The English tradition of similar assistant bishops was extinguished only after the Norman Conquest. These new suffragans did have sees, but for various reasons were unable or unwilling to occupy them. Most were in fact in partibus infidelium and merely nominal bishoprics, in territories lost to the resurgent Greek Church or overwhelmed by Islam as the crusader states disappeared and Catholicism went into retreat.
Whether all of those who claimed to be bishops of these infidel territories really were sometimes had to be taken on trust; that trust might be misplaced. That may explain an odd event in Lichfield diocese in —6. Geburtstag Ostfildern: , — However, his episcopal legitimacy was questioned, casting doubts on the validity of those ordinations. All of the candidates were conditionally re-ordained in the next year to ratify their status.
Many, maybe most, were friars, or monks, who undertook the more menial but still essential chores of the episcopal power of orders: performing confirmations and ordinations, consecrating and reconciling churches and churchyards, and blessing new ecclesiastical equipment in the parishes.
Their income derived from fees for their services, and fixed salaries or income from a benefice. They would generally not be as wealthy as the diocesan for whom they substituted, or travel with as much pomp. That hierarchy can be understood in two ways. The more simple was essentially a structure of power and legal relationships, of superiors and inferiors, and therefore a canonical structure of levels of authority.
The more complex understanding, arguably yet another outcome of the 12th-century tectonic shift, gave the hierarchy a theological value and validity, a cosmological status, which brought new complexities to the appreciation of priesthood and ordination. The canonical structure would provide the foundation for the administrative church, with the bishop ruling at diocesan level over subordinate priests and their parishes, in a complex array of territorial jurisdictions, ultimately headed by the pope. The theological hierarchy had more fundamental significance and potency, but inherent weaknesses and ambiguities.
Seemingly critical to its development was the 12th-century revival of interest in the works of pseudo-Dionysius. These were known in the West in the 8th century, but had little impact. Wilson ed. The key works here are the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy and the Celestial Hierarchy, treated as complementary texts.
Furthermore, the fact that pseudo-Dionysius significantly influenced latemedieval appreciations of priesthood has even been explicitly denied. Robert L. Gudrun Vuillemin-Diem and Albert Zimmermann, vol. At the top were the pope and cardinals; in the middle, the ranked remainder of the secular clergy, from patriarchs down to the bishops and priests, who have cure of souls over their subjects.
He also squeezed in the somewhat anomalous contemporary suffragan bishops with titles but no actual subjects titulares episcopos carentes plebe. Adopting Dionysian terminology, the bottom layer consisted of those seeking perfection, the status perfectionis acquirende, while the upper two gave guidance on its achievement in the status perfectionis exercende.
They exercise their own ordinary jurisdiction over their subjects like that of the seventy, to whom they are successors. Gerson bases the power of jurisdiction within the Church on the sacramental power of order, to build the Church as a mystical body through the threefold Dionysian forces. Purification is necessarily sacramental, through baptism and absolution; Pascoe, Jean Gerson, 17—48; Brown, Pastor and Laity, 38— Freiburger Colloquium , eds. Insofar as the crucial division within the Church is between those in the status perfectionis exercende and those whom they guide in the status perfectionis acquirende, this makes those at the point of contact between the two essentially the diocesan clergy, and particularly the parochial clergy critical to the whole process, with their ordination absolutely fundamental.
The boundaries within the Dionysian active triad, between perfecting and perfected, were not those of the structural ecclesiastical hierarchy. Aquinas had recognized this earlier some monks and friars were priests and bishops including titular suffragans , and exercised the cure of souls. Moreover, while pseudo-Dionysian ideas could be used to resist the expansion of papal power within the Church, they also validated it.
For him, responding to the challenges of contemporary conciliarism, the pope was the apex and fount from whom all lesser hierarchs received their powers. The pope was effectively redefined as the supreme hierarch. For priests and bishops this created a new chain of dependence. Bishops were allowed a share in the papal pars solicitudinis duty of care , but not in the papal fullness of power they no longer possessed an autonomous This interface is more fully analysed in Brown, Pastor and Laity. Episcopal collegiality was replaced by episcopal subjection, reflected in papal language which emphasized paternity over bishops rather than fraternity with them.
By around , theorists could argue that all episcopal jurisdictional authority derived from the papacy. The process of bishop-making became a power play, often between king and pope, as rights of election atrophied. Nevertheless, a powerful strand of episcopalist thought survived in the later Middle Ages, merging into conciliarism, asserting the powers and rights of bishops against both kings and bishops and, to some extent, continuing earlier stances of episcopal autonomy and equality. However, the opposing forces would prove more powerful.
For dating and subsequent history, 22—23; Siegfried Wenzel, Verses in Sermons. Second [those who act] by delegation from a higher authority, such as the bishop by delegation from the pope, the rectors, vicars, and so on, and above all special penitentiaries by delegation from their superior, such as the pope and the bishops. Last on the list are mendicant friars, acting under episcopal licences granted in accordance with the papal bull, Super cathedram. In particular, the sacramental priesthood, imbued with the character infused by ordination, became foundational for the whole sacramental system and for the whole hierarchical order.
It necessarily sought to undo the transformation introduced by the tectonic shift. Priesthood was reshaped as ministry, in some cases eradicating episcopacy by making such super-priests theologically redundant. Luibheid, 40— Reynolds During the Middle Ages bishops and priests shared many of the same duties, obligations, and privileges. Both could celebrate Mass, both could baptize, both acted as administrators of dioceses and parishes, and both had teaching functions. Bishops, however, had three functions limited to them alone: consecration of churches, confirmation of baptized persons, and ordination of clerics.
The terms consecratio, chrismatio, and ordinatio were frequently interchanged in early medieval documents, but this chapter is concerned with ordinatio as applied to clerical ordination by bishops. Libelli Because ordination was an episcopal privilege, one that was occasional, and one that involved a relatively short amount of time, the earliest ordination texts were almost certainly kept apart from other liturgical books within libelli or gatherings of folios.
This would be the case not only for the prayer texts of ordination but also for the directions. They are now neatly embedded into other texts, but their existence in independent libelli in the Roman church is almost certain because in later sacramentaries, including the Gregorian Sacramentary of Pope. Sacramentarium Veronense : Cod. First, there is the canonical collection called the Statuta ecclesiae antiqua, written c.
That these directions were thought of as a separable libellus from the remainder of the canons in the collection is clear in that they have their own rubric and there were in the Middle Ages several traditions of the Statuta presenting the ordination directions as a whole in various positions in the text. The second piece of evidence for libelli with ordination directions comes in the Ordines Romani. Sacramentaries These books contained primarily Eucharist prayers, but because they were sacramentaries they could also contain prayers for other sacraments, including ordination.
Hence, in the earliest sacramentaries of all the rites there are ordination prayers. Often, not only the prayers themselves would be incorporated into the sacramentaries, but also ceremonial directions for the conferral of orders. Lectionaries and Antiphonalia Because the orders were usually conferred within the context of the Mass, the other books of the Mass contained appropriate texts for ordination. Hence, the special readings for ordination were included in the lectionaries and the musical sections were kept in the antiphonalia.
Allocution Libelli Closely related to the libelli earlier described and to the lectionaries were groups of texts used in the exhortations, admonitions, and allocutions to the ordinands in the first part of the ordination ceremonies. These texts could be in a variety of forms, and there is little rhyme or reason to their groupings in medieval manuscripts.
They are often in the form of florilegia. The pontificals generally did not contain complete lections or music for ordination Masses since these parts were performed by other clerics but they did have canon law material relating to ordination, ceremonial directions, and prayers and benedictions. By the time pontificals came into existence, the Gallican rite had been submerged into other rites but there are clearly other families of pontificals in the Middle Ages: the Old Spanish found in the Liber.
English translation inThomas L. Knoebel, trans. Lindsay ed. Isidori Hispalensis Episcopi Etymologiarvm sive originvm libri xx, 2 vols. English translation in Stephen A. Barney, trans. Athanasius Walter Kalff ed. Roger E. These last pontificals were widely diffused from the 10th century on, and include the Pontificale Romano-Germanicum a hybrid pontifical containing both Gallican and Roman ordination rites ; the Pontificale Romanum xii saeculi an offshoot of the Pontificale RomanoGermanicum developed during the Gregorian Reform period , the Pontificale Romanae Curiae a further refinement of the Pontificale Romanum xii saeculi compiled at the time of Pope Innocent iii , and the Pontifical Guilelmi Durandi a magnificent true pontifical compiled by Guillaume Durand on the basis of earlier Roman pontificals and local, especially Gallican ordination practices he knew.
Liturgical Commentaries From at least the 3rd century, liturgical treatises often described the ceremony of ordination. Not only did they contain the texts already described but also they presented the rationale behind the ceremonies of ordination. In the Western Church of the Middle Ages there were three or perhaps four systems of clerical orders represented in the texts of ordination ceremonies.
In each system there was considerable variation regarding the exact number and names of the grades, and there was contamination from one system or rite to another, but the basic configurations are fairly clear. Banting ed. Guy ed. Spanish In the Old Spanish Liber ordinum there are ordination rites including tonsure, ordination to the clerical state and to the orders of sacristan, overseer of books and scribes, cutting of the beard, subdeacon, deacon, archdeacon, primiclericus, presbyter, archpresbyter, and abbot.
There was almost certainly an ordination ceremony for the bishop, but it has been lost. This Old Spanish system of orders in the Liber ordinum was maintained into the 11th century when it was replaced by Roman and the Romano-Catalan rites of ordination. Despite this system of clerical orders represented in the ordination rites of the Liber ordinum, there were clearly other systems and grades known in Visigothic and Mozarabic Spain. Isidore of Seville in his De ecclesiaticis officiis and Origines has a list resembling the Gallican and Roman systems, including doorkeeper, exorcist, acolyte, lector, psalmist, cantor, precentor, succentor, subdeacon, custos, deacon, presbyter, chorbishop, bishop, and the higher episcopal dignities.
In the Pseudo-Isidorian Epistula ad Leudefredum most of these orders appear as well as the archdeacon, primicerius, thesaurarius, economus, and pater monasterii. And in the Pseudo-Hieronymian De septem ordinibus, probably written in Catalonia or the Roussillon, there was a hierarchy of gravedigger, doorkeeper, lector, subdeacon, deacon, presbyter, and bishop. Gallican The hierarchy of grades in the Gallican rite was early laid out in the Statuta ecclesiae antiqua.
It was probably based on an earlier Roman one and when Roman ordination texts came to northern Europe in the 8th century, it was this Romano-Gallican system that gradually supplanted the hierarchy as reflected in the Roman ordination texts and became the system of orders used in the Roman Church until Roman There has and continues to be debate over the number of orders in the early medieval Roman hierarchy.
This is because there are several different texts that support different opinions. A text of Eusebius of Caesarea describing the Roman clergy at the time of the mid-3rd-century Pope Cornelius mentions the male grades found in the Statuta ecclesiae antiqua, but with the psalmist missing.
There are also the Roman interstices texts spelling out the time necessary between jumps from one grade to another and these texts present different traditions. That there were, however, doorkeepers and exorcists in the Roman hierarchy from the 7th and 8th century and beyond is undoubted since they are mentioned in several documents.
But there is a question as to whether or not they were ordained or ordered since there is no early Roman text for them. As the Ordines Romani were taken north of the Alps, they were quickly contaminated by the texts of the Statuta ecclesiae antiqua and Gallican-rite sacramentaries, and hence by the mid-8th century, the Roman sacramentaries had ordination directions for the Gallican hierarchy of orders.
These same Gallican orders were included in the Supplemented Gregorian Sacramentary and eventually in the Roman pontificals. General Instructions Liturgical commentators and formulae often laid out instructions of a general nature for ordinands to observe. For example, the Pontificale Guilemli Durandi stresses that ordinands should be certain their tonsures are well trimmed, clothing fittingly kept and maintained, and the instrumenta or symbols to be received in perfect condition.
Time of Ordination Almost from the beginning of Christian history it was recognized that some days were more appropriate than others for ordination. Especially fitting were Pentecost, the feast of Peter and Paul, and days following fasting. Hence, as the Western Church developed its rules regarding the day of ordination these appropriate days were favored. Because it was felt that ordinands should be prepared for ordination by fasting, the last day of ember days was thought to be especially appropriate and hence in both the Roman and Frankish rites the Saturday of ember days was chosen for ordination.
For the bishop the ordination rite was split into two days, the examination and pre-consecratory rites on Saturday and the. Bjork ed. Although some of the lower orders, for which there are very general or hazy instructions, may have been given on other days than Saturday or Sunday and at times other than the Mass, ordinations were usually connected with the Mass. Depending on the season and the grade itself, the order might be conferred at different times during the Mass.
For example, tonsure could be given after the introit or, in seasons when the Gloria was sung, after the Kyrie. In the Old Spanish rite the cutting of the beard came at the end of Mass before the Missa acta est. For the grades from doorkeeper through bishop, however, the general practice was to begin the ordination rites themselves so that the newly ordained cleric could subsequently exercise his newly given power.
For most grades the ordination rite began after the response or alleluia, although for the presbyter it was after the Gospel. In the ordination rites for the presbyter and bishop, the ceremony was carried on throughout the Mass and beyond, even going to the reception of the title church of the new presbyter in Rome. During these extended ceremonies the new ordinands would exercise their new functions.
For example, the subdeacon read the Epistle, the deacon the Gospel, and so forth. Place of Ordination Because the bishop was the chief consecrator or dispenser of orders, the actual ceremony was performed in one of the chief basilicas of a city, preferably where the bishop had his cathedra although in Rome it was the basilica of St. The ordination itself took place near the altar. The ordinands could be arranged in rows or circles, and if several grades were to be ordained they might take up different places in the presbytery.
The Pontificale Guilelmi Durandi, for example, says that when subdeacons, deacons, and presbyters are to be ordained, the subdeacons stand on the north side, the deacons on the south, and the presbyters in the middle. In the case of the bishop, there was a great deal of moving about from the sacristy, where vesting and washing took place, to the presbytery, and in the presbytery from front to back of the altar and to the cathedra. Presentation and Nomination of Ordinands In almost all initiation ceremonies from baptism to consecration of religious, the candidate was presented to the bishop and people and was named.
So in ordination the ordinands were called forth and were involved in a ceremony of reception. Usually it was the archdeacon who called on the ordinands to present themselves. Sometimes, as in the Pontificale Romano-Germanicum, the individuals are named and the Church from which they come is specified. Examination and Oath of Ordinands The Pontificale Guilelmi Durandi lays down the general rule that all ordinands should have been examined and approved before ordination.
And in the ordination rite itself the examination, which may have begun sometime before the ceremony, was continued, sometimes in a very cursory way, sometimes at length depending on the order itself. For the lower grades there seems to have been some chance for the people to object to an unfit candidate. In the Statuta ecclesiae antiqua, for example, the bishop speaks on the life and morals of the lector-to-be, and presumably the assembled people could have objected. In the Pontificale Romano-Germanicum the people are asked specifically if they have objections to the candidates for subdeacon, deacon, and presbyter.
For the higher or sacred orders there was an oral examination. For example, all the orders from subdeacon and up were asked about and were required to swear that they had not been guilty of the four capital crimes of sodomy, bestiality, adultery, and violation of nuns. The bishop especially was examined at length as to his prior ordinations particularly to the presbyterate , his election, morals, the books necessary for his church, his knowledge of the canons, and doctrine and the like.
Either in the examination itself or toward the end of the Mass an oath of obedience and reverence was taken by a presbyter to his bishop or by a bishop to his metropolitan. Prayers and Benedictions The heart of the ordination ceremonies was in the prayers and benedictions, and in the liturgical books these take up the majority of space. The prayers may be called praefationes, orationes, and benedictiones, and they are said not only over the ordinands but also over the instruments to be given to them.
In content they usually call down a blessing on a person or thing, referring often to the Old Testament, and occasionally to the New. Sometimes, the prayers may be very general, even banal. In the ordination rites, the number of prayers and blessings varies considerably from order to order, ranging from as few as one to as many as thirty for some of the higher orders. Musical Portions of Ordinations Inserted into the ordination prayers and ceremonies was a variety of antiphons. Sometimes these seem to have been used to fill in time as certain ceremonies were taking place. For example, there was in the Old Spanish rite an.
But there could also be musical pieces specifically appropriate to the ordination itself, not time fillers; for example, the Veni sancte spiritus or Veni creator spiritus after the alleluia in the ordination of a presbyter or the Te Deum at the conclusion of the ordination Mass of the bishop. Allocutions and Admonitions From the 5th century it seems common to have given allocutions and admonitions during the ordination rites.
These were directed both to the ordinand himself and to the people. They could range in length from one sentence to several paragraphs, again depending on the order itself. Some of these admonitions were given to the ordinand as he received his instruments or symbols, but there were other admonitions and allocutions given at other times, especially at the beginning of the ceremonies.
These allocutions usually were florilegia of texts chosen by the bishop and delivered seated, with miter on. The texts, often pseudonymous, generally dealt with the origins of the order, the duties of the cleric, and his morality and life. Traditio of Instruments Next to the prayers, the tradition or porrection of instruments or symbols to the ordinand by the bishop or archdeacon was the most important component of the ordination rites, and many theologians argued that the traditio instrumentorum was the essential part or matter of the rite.
Hence, the psalmist received an antiphonary. The cleric in the Old Spanish rite was given a tunic and alb; the sacristan a key ring as chief doorkeeper; and the overseer of books and scribes a key to the scrinium a chest or bookcase. The lector was given a lectionary by the bishop, and the Pontificale Romanae Curiae specifies that it is a book of the prophetic lessons.
The exorcist was given a libellus of exorcisms, which might be in the form of a rotulus.