Me th o d o lo gy This paper predominantly uses a qualitative perspective to examine how the birthplace and ethnic background conditions the motivations to identify and adhere to a certain community. For that reason, even though it works out as an exploratory and preliminary analysis of further research, including three main variables origin, age, and sex , the only variable taken into account, for this particular contribution, is origin.
The age range is , and the group comprises two women and eight men3. These conversations were held from May 17th until May 30th, Throughout this time, I have both watched the team play as one of them, and I participated in discussions about the future of the club, its particular philosophy, and everything it implies.
Moreover, I provide quantitative contribution in order to contextualize the information, and thus present more accurate results and conclusions. Sp o rt, Id e n tity, Te rrito ry As Johan Huizinga stressed in his seminal book Hom o Ludens, sport is central in the development of civilization. The question is why do people love it so much to the point of following certain clubs, enroll in different associations, and even construct the meaning of their lives through them.
Likewise, it might serve to create civil consensus by means of shared feelings, needs and subjectivities framed in patriotic sentiments. Alabarces In addition, there is an element of epic dimensions in it. Particularly referring to football, many people appreciate its pe- culiar sense of justice whereby David can beat Goliath at his own game 2 Data taken from Athletic Club website.
The initial attempt was to have sex parity. However, it has not been possible due 3 to the higher percentage of men supporters in these associations. Nonetheless, one of the interviewed women is the chief of one of the associations. Its power relies on its capacity of mobilization.
Why is soccer so important when making identities? This decision leads to a special relationship with the club, a proprietary relationship where it is y our club, where the club belongs to you and fans like you Farred Something like that happens with Athletic Club, whose almost 40, socios members own and govern it. Survey number 2. As Llopis-Goig analyzes it, this means that clubs still generate a strong sense of adscription for Spaniards by symbolizing a solid link with their territory.
As an illustration of this, Agiriano 33 notes how the Biscayan press used to and still does remind Athletic players of their responsibility as representatives of the city of Bilbao. Both results allowed the aforementioned right to come into effect. Clubs will search for young, gifted players outside of their own academies and countries due to lower costs, or avoiding the strict legisla- tion imposed in Europe on hiring terms Schaffhauser Meanwhile, their own academies with regional talents become weaker.
Several authors have shown a nationalistic angle in the particular philosophy held by the team. This footballer is from the French Basque Country, which means that for non-Basques or non-nationalist Basques he is a French international, whereas for nationalist Basques he is part of the Basque Country.
Some scholars have endorsed a view that this football institution is a symbol of the province of Biscay rather than a Basque one. Unzueta explains that its philosophy became a tra- dition and it has been shared generation after generation by the popu- lation of Biscay in general, ideologies aside, due to its capacity to create social cohesion. Agiriano contends that the pride of Bilbao, and of the province to some extent, was behind such identity exacerbation rather than an ideological attempt. He also wonders what could be more satisfactory for locals than winning other teams with just local kids.
So cio h is to rical Co n te xt At the end of the 19th century, British workers settled in Bilbao and its surroundings in order to get resources, especially iron5, which they used in their factories back on the island. One of their main contributions was the importation of football. It is in this heavily industrialized context that Athletic Club was born in However, industrialization was not the only transformation that this Basque city was experiencing during that epoch. Newcomers from rural areas started to arrive and settle in the newly industrializing city of Bilbao.
Barcelona These supporter associations are central to the club.
They represent a link with the entity, and a way of self-perception. Such is their impact and volume that several conferences are held annually all over the Iberian Peninsula to discuss their activities around soccer. Given that Ibiza is an attractive destination due to its beaches and good weather, the board thought that many young people would feel more encouraged to attend the event and be seduced by the red-and-white cause November, 11th , Diario de Ibiza.
Chart 2 and Map 1 show the location of these groups throughout Spain. The Basque Country tops the ranking as the province of Biscay has of them. The most powerful regions in terms of Athletic Club following are located in the southern half of the State. Alternative sources such as the main club forum, AupaAthletic.
Lo n g D is tan ce Lo ve What motivates a person to follow a remote club? He wonders why could Liverpool not hire a black player? Why could himself not play for his beloved team? He concludes that for the peripheral fan, love in this case identity with a team may be stronger than politics. This article addresses the same paradox. How is it possible that people who as players could not play for Athletic due to its ethnically exclusive policy, and yet they identify with it as fans?
Some joined the red-and-white family because of home tradition. These fans have close relatives who already cheered for the club, and so they got their sym- pathies as a kind of heritage. He fed 8 Twenty-four according to AupaAthletic. We shared the same room and it was completely wrapped in red and white. Social relations play an important role in adhering to a community. Therefore, some fans adopted admiration for the club after becoming friends with people from Biscay province, who inculcated them the sentiment for Athletic. Nevertheless, Real Madrid and Barcelona have remained the teams with more titles in Spanish football, to the point of setting a hegemony in Spanish fandom: two thirds of all soccer fans root for these two clubs.
A particular player may also inspire attachment for a team from a distant geographical area. The epic atmosphere around sports makes it propitious to the advent of heroes, and a great example of this is Mara- dona. El Pelusa did not only emerge as an idol for Argentina, with his performances and legendary goals such as those scored against England in the World Cup in Mexico, he was also a local-regional idol in Italy. It was through him that the reviled South could beat the cocky North, that wandering Naples could defeat glorious Juventus or Milan Alabarces And that is how it started.
The emotional bond with pre- vious amateurism was more important than money. This pushed Athletic to offer attractive wages to newcomers. Consequently, the already existing squad began demanding rising salaries too, a query the club could not but accept in order to keep them. Nevertheless, there have been cases in recent years still attesting to the old ideas of football.
In the same line, Castillo presents a series of arguments about whether to abolish or maintain the Basque-only policy. Among arguments for the former feature the lack of competitiveness; the absence of enough Basque players due to low birth rate, and the increasing strength of other teams in the area; and the failure to represent the current plurality within Basque society. On the other hand, arguments for keeping the signing philosophy feature poor competitiveness because of bad administration; foreign players do not necessarily lead to sportive success; and the fact that sentimental attachment, fan loyalty, as well as uniqueness, are a consequence of such policy.
Most fans, however, prefer keeping the Basque-only policy. Fans particularly highlight two aspects. Most fans outside of the Basque Country would like to see their local team employ the same localist signing philosophy as Athletic Bilbao. In that case, they should get the best ones. Why does the philosophy not apply to the manager as well?
Shulman 66 explored this issue and, as many fans, suggests that it is already an accepted practice, and that some people even feel it is preferable. Sp a in Schaffhauser 7 states that there are fans who support a club un- conditionally, back its values against all odds, and yet refuse to follow the national team. The aforementioned triumph in South Africa, as well as the double title at the and Euro Cups play in favor of Athletic.
Notwithstanding, there are two factors conditioning their answers. Firstly, they underline the fact that it depends on the team, as most go against Valladolid, the capital city of the Autonomous Community, whose development and centralism is seen as going against their own interests. This is a striking example of intraregional rivalry through football. Here, maybe Salamanca, Valladolid, Numancia…a team gets relegated to second division, and we do not care that much. Thus, in the s they were amateur players, in the s they became professionalism, in the s the club recruited from other Basque provinces and Navarre as well.
This, however, is not a philosophy carved in stone, and its scope has shifted around throughout its centenarian history. Many of the interviewees would have loved to play for Athletic, and so they wonder why they cannot take part in it, and defend its jersey. The question of players with Basque antecedents also comes up. Every now and then, there is a debate about whether those born of Basque parents in the Basque diasporas could play for Athletic or not.
Co n clu s io n s Athletic Club, undoubtedly, plays a relevant role as a land and identity maker based on its policy highlighting the value for local talent in two directions: territory and youth academy. Although many can be the reasons to support a team from a distance family, social relations, childhood, success, particular footballers , the causes of attachment in a globalized soccer world for non-Basque fans are mainly addressed in one particular direction: a sense of belonging. Because it backs its own land and promotes local players, these followers see in Athletic a kind of example they would wish to see in their homeland.
As Castillo and Groves argue, Athletic is not seen as an institution that excludes foreigners, but rather a reaction against the globalization of football, and its counterproductive effects on sports. Las 24 Copas del Athletic Club Bilbao: BBK, Alabarces, Pablo. Buenos Aires: Prometeo Libros, Madrid: LID, El potrero, la pista y el ring.
Las patrias del deporte argentino. Cuenca, Nika. As, 22 Oct. Farred, Grant. Long distance love: a passion for football. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, Groves, Mark. Huizinga, Johan. Hom o ludens. The evolution of nationalist felings in Spanish football. Culturas en juego. Expressing identities in the Basque arena. Oxford: James Currey, Athletic Club. Goles y banderas. Ramonet, Ignacio. Schaffhauser, Phillippe. Shulman, Jonathan. Souza, Denaldo Alchorne de. O Brasil entra em cam po! New York: Routledge, Barcelona: Debate, One hundred years old project and its changes Like other national teams, Athletic is the ultimate arbiter of which bodies are included within the nation and which are not.
Though he occupies an in-between space, that very in-between-ness gives him the space to create new meanings of what it means to be Basque. To the uninformed observer, these statements do not seem particularly odd or surprising — it makes sense that these men would root for the team of the city in which they live, even if they are immigrants. The question, then, becomes this: what sort of team is Athletic Club de Bilbao?
Why would it be odd for African immigrants to support it? The answer is simple: only Basques play for Athletic. Athletic Club employs an extraordinarily restrictive localist re- cruitment policy, restricting its player pool to those born or raised in the Basque Country. This policy, as well as other narratives of diffe- rence that have historical roots in Basque narrative discourse, have established Athletic as one of the foremost and most enduring symbols of Basque cultural nationalism. For most Spaniards or Basques , who tend to see Basqueness as implicitly white, it would seem incom- prehensible for these men to support a team that does not represent them at all — in fact, a team that actively excludes them.
Williams has become something of a star on the team, and the men on the street had noticed. It meant something. While the number of immigrants in the Basque Country is yet small, it has increased six- fold since , and that number will probably only increase. He is a fan favorite and a highly visible member of the team, appearing in promotional videos and photos. His star is only beginning to rise. Does his inclusion on the team widen the borders of the Basque nation? How does he represent himself in interviews and in the media more broadly?
At the core of my inquiry, however, is the fundamental question that is central to many nationalist projects: whose body is allowed to represent the nation, and what happens when that body is that of an Other? Scholars that do focus on race and sports in Europe have historically been concerned more with how the British empire retained power over its colonial possessions through sport and its national teams, and how certain sports themselves became racialized.
While these are all fruitful lines of inquiry, I am more concerned with the work that national European football teams do in representing — or not — the nation. Unlike professional club teams, national teams are explicitly intended to be symbolic representations of their respective nation-states; the nation thus becomes embodied in the players as they move about the pitch.
While the Basque Country is not a nation-state, many consider it a nation, and in many respects Athletic Club has become its de facto national team. Thus, Athletic Club players are not simply professional football players, they are representatives of Basqueness. In this way, national sports teams — particularly football, for most European countries — function in much the same way as national beauty pageants like Miss America or Miss Italy in terms of national re- presentation. While there are gendered differences, of course — female pageant winners of color from majority-white nations tend to receive more virulently racist attacks than their athlete counterparts — both beauty pageant winners and soccer players on the national team are tasked with embodying and representing the nation.
While the presence of ethnic and racial minorities on national teams does not guarantee structural changes for those who are not elite athletes, a racially diverse national team has a powerful symbolic value that should not be discounted. More recently, the high number of Muslims or other immigrants of color who played for their national teams at the UEFA Eu- ropean Championships was taken by many media outlets as a sign of an increasingly diverse and tolerant Europe, despite the growing number of far-right nationalist parties plaguing the continent.
Like beauty pageants and beauty pageant winners, both national teams themselves and the players on those teams have become a cultural performance of the nation-state. The possibility of equal membership within the nation is contingent upon this performance. There is no sexed subject who learns gender roles; instead, the subject is itself constituted through performance. In selecting its players, Athletic Club creates a national Basque identity. The symbolic value of the cantera policy resonates with popular Basque nationalist narratives that assert that Basques are different from Spaniards on a fundamental genealogical?
The cantera is popular with people across the political spectrum and has become a powerful symbol of Basque exceptionalism, resilience, and strength in the face of overwhelming odds. Athletic, however, considers genealogy less important than land: a player can be m ade Basque when they play for Athletic, even if they embody Spanishness the rest of the time. Curiously, the primordial nature of this Basqueness does not extend to blood.
When he announced his desire to leave in after sixteen years with the club, some saw his lack of Euskera knowledge as symptomatic of his lack of commitment to the team and to Basqueness as a whole. A meme that circulated after his departure for the Italian team Juventus The next 35 years at Real Sociedad were marked by a very Basque policy: players 4 from the international market could come from anywhere, but those acquired in the domestic market could only be Basque — no Spaniards. Born in Bilbao in , his family moved to Zaragoza when he was very young. He spent his whole career playing at Real Zaragoza, but he was eligible to play for Athletic because of his place of birth and was bought for the hefty sum of eight million euros in Like Llorente, Herrera was born in the Basque country but had lived much of his life elsewhere before moving to Bilbao to play for Athletic.
He left in for Manchester United, a move which fans did not appreciate. Their apparent rejection of the team became a rejection of the nation itself. Athletic has also in recent years greatly enlarged the territory of what has traditionally been considered the Basque country as such.
Both Nafarroa and the French provinces are separate political administrative units. Athletic has traditionally restricted itself to the Spanish side of the international border: though in recent years it has begun recruiting quite heavily from Nafarroa, only rarely has it ventured to the French provinces in search of talent. Laporte, born and raised in the non-Basque region of Aquitaine, was recruited to Athletic at sixteen years old after playing at CD Bayonne for a year. Modern large-scale international immigration into the Basque country has been a recent phenomenon, thus for many years nonwhite bodies were few and far between.
Yet they did exist, and the way Athletic Club treated Miguel Jones is illustrative of a broader pattern. Though Jones had spent most of his life in Bilbao and was apparently a marvelous player, he was not admitted onto the team — allegedly — because he has not been born in Bizkaia. While earlier in the century Athletic Club had allowed people born outside the Basque country to play on the team, it is true that a more conservative interpretation of the cantera was active during this period, one which turned even white players away. To have a Black man represent a historically white nation like that of the Basques would have been beyond the realm of possibility until extremely recently.
While Ramalho is an important part of the story of Black Basqueness, I have chosen to focus on Williams because his career at Athletic Club has been much more successful. Public discourses surrounding Williams and the meaning of his playing for Athletic have been plentiful and enduring. Though most Basques seem to have moved away from a biological understanding of a Basque identity, never before has a body so far outside the imagined norm been chosen to represent the Basque nation.
The phenotypic boundaries of Basqueness have widened for good. The couple moved to Spain in search of economic opportunity in and Williams was born a year later in Barakaldo, a suburb of Bilbao. Even those accounts that tried to normalize his presence on Athletic invoked a kind of rhetoric of aggressive colorblindness that was ultimately just as othering. Instead of truly providing a space for the diversity Williams repre- sents, these discursive practices of forced colorblindness only serve to emphasize just how far outside of normative Basqueness Williams is and erase his own experiences of racism.
Though he is a big cat like his fellows, his Blackness makes him irreconcilably different. Williams himself has never given an explicit indication that he dislikes the moniker, but it discursively places him outside of a common identity that his teammates share. Yet despite this apparent inclusion, he remains a racial Other. Because of this, Williams is forced to make more explicit claims to his Basqueness than any other white player I have seen; even those who, like Fernando Llorente, made no claims to Basqueness at all.
My parents were born in Liberia, and I feel like my whole family is there. While it is true that his simple presence on the team is not enough to defeat the vulgar and structural racism that plagues the Basque Country and Spain more generally, he has created a new space for alternative visions of Basqueness that did not exist before. He is responding to the African men on the street I discussed earlier, the men who said they were sons of the Basque country. While he cannot materially improve the lives of families like his, he can at least offer them symbolic membership in a nation that remains skeptical about their inclusion.
His performance of Basqueness is an explicitly Black performance, one that is very aware of his race and what it means, even if he does not foreground it. As I have argued here, national football teams are fertile grounds of national identity construction and performance. While Athletic Club is not a national team in the technical sense — it does not represent a state, it is not recognized by FIFA — its localist cantera policy has established it as an arbiter of Basqueness. W o rks Cite d ABC. Ahmed-Ghosh, Huma. Banet-Weiser, Sarah. Berkeley: University of California Press, Barnes, Natasha B.
Gender Trouble: Fem inism and the Subversion of Identity. De Leon, Cris. Garcia, Alberto. Karon, Tony. Minneapolis: Univ Of Minnesota Press, Ledesma, Luis. Expressing Identities in the Basque Arena. James Currey, Deia, Noticias de Bizkaia. Ortiz de Lazcano, Jvier. Relano, Alfredo. Rivas, Jon.
Sport, Pa. London; New York: Routledge, Yates, Clinton. For its defenders, it is an art, for detractors a cruel public display of animal abuse. To some commentators, Barrio was a hero. Not surprisingly, it evoked considerable interest by the media, especially since it was televised live, videotaped, and viewed by thou- sands of citizens afterwards on the internet.
It also received special billing as an event that coincided and, some would say, competed with the more famous running of the bulls in Pamplona. There she and the group looked on in horror as the terrifying event unfolded. Investigators uncovered tweets that insulted not only Barrio himself, but also his widow and family members. Bloggers to the British site dailymail. Many bloggers portray Spaniards as virtually barbaric. Better we in the UK voted out. Stupid man, stupid people. It is in Spain alone, however, that this custom has attained notable political, cultural, and symbolic salience.
In time, this monumental sculpture has become one of the most recognizable and unique icons of the Spanish countryside and highway system. The Osborne bulls were threatened with extinction when in July the Spanish government passed a law Article The bull had become such a widely known and powerful symbol that, even devoid of advertising copy, Spaniards in- terpreted the silhouette as a commercial poster promoting Osborne liquor. This step was met by an immediate outcry throughout Spain, par- ticularly from the Osborne company and its supporters.
Probably the most convincing defense of the Osborne bull appeared in leading news- paper ABC in December Author Antonio Burgos reaches almost poetic heights in his plea to restore the Osborne bull to what he considered its rightful place as a national icon. The bull, like so many advertising symbols, formed part of the Spanish countryside.
In this Spain, which destroys the landscape, which degrades cities, the Osborne bull camped out in the heights of a hill was a landmark, indicating to us where we were…. Our highways increasingly appear like those of Los Angeles or Frankfurt. They have become impersonal, and there scarcely remains to us the humanity of an inn with some trucks parked at the entrance, which serve unforgettable fried eggs with chorizo.
In this Spain which by jolts and haste is contributing so much to Europe, without receiving anything in return, we must preserve the Osborne bull. This bull must be pardoned and left as an advertising stud, lest we become a colony of Madison Avenue. Although I believe that we already are.
It is a nationalistic piece of writing. According to the author, Spanish highways today are almost without personality, compared with those of yesteryear. That sole remaining mark of Spanish identity, according to the Burgos, must be preserved. Burgos, moreover, taps into a variety of competing instincts that co-exist among Spaniards today. And yet he is not above pandering to commercial instincts, as with the reference to the favorable impact of the Osborne bull on tourism.
The legal case brought by Osborne against the Spanish state reached all the way to the Spanish Supreme Court. There is neither text nor graphics to indicate the identity of a product or service, given that the express reference which formerly denoted a designated type of brandy has completely disappeared. Through declaration by the Spanish Supreme Court, this ani- mal has become essentially synonymous with Spain. This legal decision offers just one example of how deeply ingrained and nationally representative the symbol of the bull has become within most of Spain today.
It is to this matter that we now turn. Particularly vocal opposition has come from the northeast autonomous region of Catalonia, where na- tionalist sentiments in recent years have expressed themselves as a full-blown separatist movement. That is, these beasts have become virtually synonymous with the oft- despised Spanish central state. In fact, right wing opponents of enhanced autonomy for culturally distinct regions such as Catalonia, Galicia, and the Basque Country, have adopted the silhouette of the Osborne bull as a unifying symbol.
The familiar image of the black bull is embossed on everything from baseball hats to refrigerator magnets and coffee mugs. It is fair to say that at this point, most Catalans, and certainly all Catalan separatists, object to public displays of the Osborne bull. We [Spa- niards] lacked a mascot Their initial line of attack was to paint some of the billboards lining Catalan highways with white, cloud-like designs, thereby making the bulls look like cows Woolls The last remaining Osborne bull in Catalonia fell in early December But few Catalans share this opinion.
He chose the principal Barcelona bullring, La Monumental, for his debut. Thousands of protesters both inside and outside of the ring showed up in opposition. In the forties they killed Catalans, Catalan separatists. For decades, Spaniards — located on the margins of Western Europe, ruled by a fascist dictatorship, and suffering under economic stagnation and social retrogression — thought of their country as different from the rest of the continent.
Protesters pointed out what they saw as the hypocrisy of the ruling, given that there existed and still exist festivals that incorporate potentially harmful bull ga- mes, even if they do not result in the death of the animal. The correbous is even protected by a law, which allows for the continuance of bull games that are considered integral to Catalan tradition.
Animal rights activists, on the other hand, consider the correbous to be equally cruel to the bull. The majority of judges on the Court rested their lengthy opinion mainly on cultural criteria. Finally, the Court makes a judicial argument, stating that the Constitutional Court has jurisdiction over the entirety of Spanish territory, constituting a higher legal authority to that of the Autonomous Communities, including Catalonia After the death of dictator Francisco Franco in November , Spanish citizens from all social classes and geographic regions began to assert their divergent material interests and cultural identities, most of which had been severely suppressed throughout the four decade- long fascist era.
Only the passage of time can tell if its will can be maintained. Bassols, Andreu. Block, Jenny. April Burgos, Antonio. Campbell, Roy. Taurine Provence.
Smith, Anthony D. The players started stripping their own skin digitally, from under which emerged the national symbol of Spain, and the colours red and yellow: the Spanish national team jersey. Infaustum exitnm habere. Iris,Toulouse, Carrero Eras, Afers, Valencia,
London: Desmond Harmsworth, Montpellier: Union des bibliophiles taurins de France, Correas, Gonzalo. Al cabo se ponen las frases m as llenas y copiosas. Marvin, Garry. Bullfi ght. Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, Marzal, Antonio. Mitchell, Timothy. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, Los 6. Madrid: C. Bermejo, Ruiz-Hermosilla, Alejandra. Paris: Berg International, Tribunal Supremo. Woolls, Daniel. Pu llin g U p Stake s?
The Catalan sovereignty process has been particularly intensive between and , and frequently relied on sport and physical culture to mobilize people behind the idea of independence. Secessionist projects pulling away from a state often draw support and ins- piration from analogous movements, in this case Basque nationalism, especially when directed at a common opponent. Ke y w o rd s : Basque Country, Catalonia, nationalism, solidarity, sport. Basques held a symbolic referendum inspired by the Catalan precedent two years before, and they invited the castells, this intimately Catalan, folkloric traditional sport, to help vindicate the right to vote about independence.
On our way on the bus, the team leaders asked us not to wear any political signs when we perform. Basques greeted us with great cordiality and friendship, and per- formed the aurresku, a dance honoring the visitor, on the village squares of Arrasate and Azpeitia. It is a truth universally acknowledged among ethnographers that the best revelatory incidents emerge in the cracks of grand display events, when the cameras are turned off, the journalists are gone, and the stage is dismounted. SIBA 4 ladies and a man with an accordion emerged in the facilities where our team of about people was having lunch.
They were a local choir. They asked if they could disturb for a second, as they had prepared a song for us. But if we pull it, it will fall down. It will surely fall, fall, fall, It must already be rather declined. If you pull it strong here, And I pull it strong there, It will surely fall, fall, fall, And we can liberate ourselves […] The song was written in by Llach, in the depth of the Franco regime and the year of European freedom movements.
It became widely known as a song of resistance, solidarity and common struggle against larger political forces. The call for collective conscience culminates when Siset dies, and the singer has to pass on the spirit of unity and struggle to the new generations. Once again, the metaphor emerged before me as a heuristic device through which to approach contemporary na- tionalisms and sub-national solidarity. Anticipating objections about removing the resistance song from its original context, Francoism, and applying it to contemporary Spain, we must remember that Spain transitioned to democracy forty years ago, and socio-political circumstances are widely different today.
This premise drives peripheral minorities to compete through sport as subjects against larger, centripetal political environments. SIBA 4 compete in the world championship in The Catalan body techniques adopted by the nationalist movements are less confrontational and agonic. The irony of the national soccer team is, however, that some of its emblematic players have been Basque or Catalan nationalists who were openly antagonistic to the idea of Spain.
Before the hegemony of soccer, chess and emblematic chess players served as political sentimental education of the post-war generation. Strategizing as a Spanish political tool was fundamental for Spanish nationalist and civilizing processes. On the one hand, the effort required to pull and loosen the stake is analogous with the binary, agonic, and physical exertion re- quired in sport, and most characteristically in tug-of-war.
Thus, the logic of pulling up a stake allows us to acknowledge the binary and agonic aspects of center- periphery oppositions, while also considering that such struggles do not take place in isolation, as secessionist projects often draw tangible or intangible support and inspiration from analogous movements el- sewhere, especially if they single out a common opponent.
Finally, the stake metaphor points at the temporal dimensions of secessionist projects. From this perspective, isolated display events do not only serve to give visibility to the nationalist agenda, but are also part of discreetly accumulating pulling efforts. After reviewing contemporary Catalan secessionism , I will identify a series of such pu- lling efforts as they accumulatively conspire towards the weakening of sub-national ties to the Spanish state. Basques and Catalans have been claiming regional rights and liberties with varying degrees of intensity since at least the late 19th-century Payne, Conversi, Gui- bernau.
In the current section, my main focus is on the Catalan secessionist movement due to its current intensity, and how the Catalan sovereignty process draws from Basque politics. The revitalization of Basque identity politics is taking place through the integration of formerly banned leftist nationalist parties into the political arena, Basques carefully follow Catalan and Scottish deve- lopments. Catalan politics has chosen more assertive strategies Elias for the past few years. After the end of the Franco dictatorship in , Spain embarked on its democratic transition.
In , the Catalan government started to push for a reform of the Statute of Autonomy with a view of extending its competences of self-government. In June , a new draft was put to referendum and approved in Catalonia. After four years of deliberation, the Spanish Constitutional Court rejected the Statute in We decide. While Basque nationalist politics was busy disbanding ETA at this time, it had previously served as inspiration for Catalonia in at least two ways.
First, it played an important, if indirect, role as historical precedent for the Catalan claim for a new economic agreement with Madrid. The Basque Country was the only autonomous community that negotiated an economic agreement during the Transition. Basques acquired their pacto fi scal in , which allowed them to have control over their own treasury.
In July , the Catalan Parliament approved an economic agreement similar to the Basque one, but the Spanish government would not negotiate it. The rejection of the Basque model for Catalonia was a turning point for Catalan nationalism. Another important Basque inspiration for Catalan secessionism was a more assertive tone of political culture: a shift from pactism e strategy of consensus to an action-oriented attitude. Where Basque politicians veto, boycott, or walk out, according to this popular view, Catalans embrace consensus.
A prime example is the Constitution itself, which Basques rejected, while Catalans found its values congenial to the consensual symbolism they imagined for themselves and for Spain: a new beginning, democracy, reconciliation Edles. Pulling Up Stakes? The most widespread theory holds that the first stretch of stone would correspond to a wall planned during the Second Punic War, which was later expanded between and BC.
Despite these conclusions, we should note that there is no absolute certainty and that lately the stable existence of the praesidium and the encampment phase in this period has been questioned, while the chronology and phases of its cyclopic-based wall are also being debated. It should be borne in mind that not even in Italy are there remains this monumental in republican cities from the same period.
In addition to all of this, we should also bear in mind that while the studies by T. Hauschild have shed light on the constructive features of the walls, there are still many questions remaining about their layout. The evidence extracted from the Minerva Tower and the Santa Barbara bulwark sketch an initial hypothetical defensive area that was quite small, which poses doubts regarding its capacity to house the large number of troops that travelled through the city during the 2nd century BC.
Nor are we aware of the internal structure of the praesidium, which must have hosted numerous assemblies of the allied peoples in the course of the Punic Wars, or the organisation of the port, the veritable leitmotif of Tarraco as the gateway for the military contingents in this process of conquest. In this regard, a segment of cuniculus has been identified which has been associated with the need to supply water to the Augusti port zone, along with a substantial amount of evidence showing how the ancient Iberian settlement launched a process of urban expansion while adopting Roman construction parameters.
We have included the outline of the large wastewater collector and the construc-. This has been related to the text by Apiano lb. Numerous questions still exist around this process regarding the legal organisation and the forma of the new city. The interpretative doubts show the difficulty of interpreting an area that was urbanistically highly dynamic yet which at the same time has been heavily affected by the contemporary evolution of Tarragona. We should contextualise the interpretations of the lower perimeter of the wall in the port area within this dynamic.
Thus, the location of the auguraculum PAT is coherent with the orthogonality of the adjacent insulae, and the size of the expanded municipal forum matches the sizes of the residential blocks that had previously been appropriated. Even the construction of the aedes Augusti in the new forum basilica PAT dovetails with the transversal. Figure 2. Minerva Tower sector; detail of the relief and two building techniques photo: J.
Finally, we can observe how the expansion of the Augustan theatre matches the two late-republican insulae and how the adjacent exedra of the nymph retains the longitudinal axis of another block PAT With regard to the northern boundary of this residential project, the known archaeological remains do not enable us to reproduce the model of 1 by 2 actus as far as the upper part of the city. The modular projection of the insulae does not match, and the northernmost segment of the known cardo dates from the late 1st century BC PAT For this reason, two urban expansion phases inside the city have been hypothesised between the late 2nd century and late 1st century, the latter being when the legal evolution of Tarraco led to the end of residential occupation within the walls.
For these reasons, we still do. The landscape studies underway show the ritual relationship between the founding, urbanisation and modulation of the surrounding land. Thus, the republican city planning dovetails with the cadastral Tarraco-III module and the calculations of the topographic visuals between the auguraculum and the centuria-based layout of the land have also been established via GIS.
Likewise, the unitary nature of the urban and territorial planning has been considered based upon the symbolic and topographic role of the auguraculum, and this has also been related to the Caesarean colonial deductio. Figure 3. Archaeological Planimetry of Tarraco, theatre and public baths sector Macias et al. All of this activity reflects the importance of the city in the incipient Roman provincial organisation as a whole. Tarraco was not sheltered from the instability at the end of the republic, and we know that before 71 BC it dedicated an inscription to Pompeius Magnus which attests to the use and exploitation of the stone from Alcover in that period Fig.
This seems to be when Caesar granted Tarraco the legal category of colonia whose deductor was Mucius Scaevola. Tarraco: The mirror of Rome. Augustus in Tarraco With the new imperial regime there was an intense process of restructuring the Peninsula; the new administrative division turned the city into the capital of the largest province in the entire Roman Empire,29 launching a period of splendour which was sustained until the late 2nd century AD. Based on the provincial division at the start of the Empire, Tarraco was the seat of the governor who bore the title of legatus Augusti pro praetore prouinciae Hispaniae citerioris, who was assisted by several legati iuridici.
Thanks to the epigraphic sources, we are familiar with around 50 of them. At the beginning of the empire, the soldiers came from the units that had put an end to the second phase of the Cantabrian Wars31 under the command of Agrippa in 19 BC. From Tarragona, the governor ruled over a vast province that encompassed more than half of the Iberian Peninsula. It was known by the name of Hispania citerior, the Hispania that was closer to Rome, as it appears in the epigraphic sources; later it would be split and part of it would become the Tarraconensis.
During the early Empire, the adjective Tarraconensis corresponded to the conventus, the administrative region of which Tarraco was the capital; its neighbours were Caesaraugustanus to the west and Carthaginensis to the south. The honorific pedestals that filled the forums provide us with a large amount of information on the governing system and the magistrates that held the top posts in the provincial administration.
The written sources tell us of the diplomatic missions from many lands which he welcomed in Tarraco, just as the fragmentary inscription from Mytilene tells us about the delegation of citizens from this polis devoted to the figure of the emperor. This can be seen in an anecdote reported by Quintilian Inst. This altar is most likely the one that is depicted on the coins minted in the city. Initially it was believed to be located near the forum coloniae,37 although lately it has been proposed that it was situated in the upper part of the city, precisely in the centre of what would later become the large administrative square in the Flavian period.
A theoretical calculation of what the extensive reforms of the Flavian period might have cost has been set forth. What is more, between the supposed location of this altar and the residential area, in the site where the circus was later built, there was a non-urbanised area where we are aware of the presence of a figlina PAT This does not seem like the ideal transitional area to enter the altar enclosure. Indeed, the latest archaeological studies and surprising epigraphic discoveries, such as the Bierzo Edict from 15 BC, make it clear that it was actually after the end of the second phase of the Cantabrian Wars, in 19 BC, when the political map of Hispania was finally formed, with trials and rectifications, at a time when there were also quite a few changes in Gallia as well.
The number of inhabitants is unknown, although it could be pinpointed at between 15, and 20, bearing in mind its constant ties with the inhabitants of the region and the high demographic mobility stemming from its status as both port and capital.
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The area inside the city walls occupied around hectares, 19 of which were in the upper part of the city, which presumably remained public property until the empire disappeared. This was joined by extensive port areas hectares and suburbs hectares , primarily on the southwest side of the hill because of its proximity to water resources.
In addition to its status as a capital, the activity of the portus Tarraconis was a prime urban and economic factor in the development of the city and its region. After Augustus, the exploitation of natural resources increased, as did the appearance of residential and productive settlements imitating Italic villages, along with the spread of vineyards.
The grapevine production in these lands can be seen by studying the amphorae. The Augustan and Julio-Claudian periods equipped Tarraco with the means befitting a large provincial city, and within this framework the monumentalisation around the figure of the emperor, which would later become the provincial imperial cult, entered its early phase. After Augustus, we can detect an intense reform of the periurban roadway network, new entrances and the urban development of the suburbs and the port zone.
A process of monumentalisation of the seafront got underway with the construction of the theatre, the nearby public baths and a forum adiectum next to the old republican forum. Domestic architecture also shows evolutionary features particularly based on mosaic decoration, and the official statuary shows the development of an iconographic programme from the Julio-Claudian dynasty in the local forum. During the Augustan and Julio-Claudian period, the theatre had imposing sculptural decorations, the oldest element of which is the large marble vessel.
The public baths discovered on Apodaca Street are closer to the theatre from the early imperial era, and the Roman. After the Augustan period there were major efforts to build new port premises and provide the city with a monumental seafront featuring the theatre and baths. We should particularly mention the excavations in the zone known as PERI 2, which have revealed a series of warehouses and a monumental Hellenistic-style republican fountain, one of the most unique elements from republican Tarraco, as mentioned above. This has been a slow research process, although it has begun to yield results more quickly in recent years.
Despite this, many of the conclusions are grounded upon the epigraphic sources and fragments of architectural decoration still remaining today, since in our case the archaeological clues are not very plentiful and very few extensive excavations have been performed to date, for obvious reasons. The imperial cult Immediately after the death of Augustus, a diplomatic mission of Tarraco residents travelled to Rome in AD 15 to ask the new leader for authorisation to build a large temple in honour of the first emperor and adoptive father of the current ruler.
Tiberius willingly granted permission and, according to reports by the historian Tacitus Annals, i, 78 , this was held up as an example for all the provinces in the empire, a phrase which has led many litres of ink to spill but, given the emphasis on the process, inclines us to think that the temple had to outstrip the category of the city to enter the spheres of province.
However, we cannot yet talk about a well-organised imperial cult on this level given that we do not have information. This is an extraordinary building, since there are very few octastyle temples around the Roman Empire, and those that do exist are all singular constructions. For centuries, its location has been the topic of scholarly debate, and finally it was confirmed geophysically and archaeologically as being under the cathedral of Tarragona, thanks to the archaeological campaigns in , and This, then, confirms a common feature of Mediterranean cities: the religious continuity of the most important areas in historical cities.
The presence of the Roman temple under the mediaeval temple of Tarragona also forges a point of union with the construction of the Visigothic episcopium in this same spot.
The overall analysis of the first monumental project establishes the first adaptation of the site with little information and questions as to the degree to which it was completed, and with a series of indicators that point to the use of different urban development patterns than in the second phase.
On the other hand, the hypotheses. Figure 4. This composition is also reminiscent of the forum of the neighbouring Caesar Augusta, a city founded by Augustus in around 15 BC, and it falls within the same territorial organisation programme within which Barcino was founded. The set-up around the figure of the emperor and his family was clearly a cornerstone of the Roman state, and its efficacy was constantly proven and repeated in the different dynasties in the early Empire throughout the extensive lands it encompassed.
In Roman Tarragona, one key institution was the concilium Prouinciae Hispaniae citerioris, which was headquartered in the upper city, corresponding to the provincial forum. However, we have to confess that right now we have no direct epigraphic proof of the provincial priesthoods prior to the Flavian period. After that period, the flamen prouinciae Hispaniae citerioris presided over the concilium Prouinciae Hispaniae citerioris, which was elected each year among those who had usually had a brilliant municipal career, and it thus opened the doors to the ordo equester, that is, to the ascent to the knightly order, meaning that once again the imperial cult is revealed to be an asset in favour of social and personal promotion.
The number of personages from Tarraco who managed to enter this social order is truly impressive in a city character-. The statues in their honour must have populated the public area, bearing witness to the royal power of the institution with a great deal of influence over the central government. Next to the provincial flamen was the flaminica, usually his wife, the only time the female estate was depicted. On a municipal scale, too, the cult of the emperor was one of the engines of citizen life in both Tarraco and in other cities in the empire, especially the coastal areas and the zones which were more powerfully Romanised.
The role of flamen was the peak in the career of the municipal magistrates, and the Augustal sevirate allowed individuals who had been born slaves and attained freedom to be promoted, thus ensuring their representation and opening up the door to posts within the colonia for their children and descendants. In Roman Tarragona specifically, the cult was organised around two fairly well-known public complexes: the civil basilica in the colonial forum in the lower part of the city, and the theatre, which is unfortunately in an abhorrent state of conservation. In the basilica, we have managed to locate a worship hall and a numerous series of statues and inscriptions in honour of the emperor and his family members, most of which can be dated from the Julio-Claudian period.
Even though it does not come from the altar of Augustus mentioned in the sources and depicted on the coins, it is faithful testimony of the importance of religious homage to the emperor. The end of the Julio-Claudian era and the Flavian era The first project to monumentalise the public spaces in the upper part of Tarraco was followed by the headquarters of the concilium Prouinciae Hispaniae citerioris, which was made up of a sacred area and a large administrative and representative square, with the circus separating the imperial area from the residential city. Thus, during the Flavian dynasty a major imperial project 12 hectares large was defined which remained in use until the early 5th century, when Christianity and the new political context led to its dismantlement.
The lower square encompassed around six hectares and contained a representative area which held most of the monuments in honour of the most illustrious figures. What is more, one of the specus of the aqueduct reached this square, and recently a large pond has been documented, which indicates how, just like the forum Pacis, this is a monumental space decorated with effigies, kraters, etc. Faced with a branch of Via Augusta, its urban planning purpose was to separate the urban zone from the area used for imperial administration. The monumentalisation of Tarraco was concluded in the first half of the 2nd century with the construction of a stable amphitheatre financed by the priest.
Figure 5. Close-up of the archaeological excavations in the cathedral of Tarragona, photo: J. The building was decorated by Elagabalus in the year Fig. Raecius Taurus. He was virtually unaware of the seriousness of the situation until the end of his days, which would lead him to a cowardly end. However, events took a degree turn: in Clunia — Colonia Clunia Sulpicia, that is — in July of AD 68 Galba, aged 73, received word from the mouth of an Icelus that he had been proclaimed emperor, and the Tarraco residents took his side.
The Tarraco residents offered him a golden crown weighing 15 pounds from the temple of Jupiter, but Galba decided to melt it down, and even he complained about a few ounces he believed were missing Suetonius, Galba, xii, 1. This gesture, which verged on sacrilege, gave him a reputation for greed. Kleiner is quite dangerous when he uses the image of aces engraved on the reverse of a coin to reach the conclusion that there used to be an arch of Galba Tarragona.
However, his reign was only to last seven months: in early AD 69 he was assassinated at the instigation of Otho, who was an even shorterlived emperor than Galba, as was Vitellius. Stability came at the end of that same year when Vespasian became emperor. The end of the golden age The second half of the 2nd century became a turning point in classical Tarraco, whose evolution is a faithful example of the economic, social and religious transformation experienced by the western cities of the Roman Empire.
The pathway to late antiquity within the conventus Tarraconensis shows that cities 90 hectares large were unsustainable, both economically and demographically. Even though Tarraco continued to be an active port, its possibilities within the new economic context made the old model of early imperial city unviable.
There was a regress in the productive system based on the villae with surplus production, clearly associated with the decline in the local and provincial oligarchies which had been essen-. Figure 6. Aerial view of the amphitheatre of Tarragona with the two Christian basilicas. What is more, the spread of Christianity influenced a disaffection towards traditional free-time practices in Roman society and naturally towards everything surrounding the imperial cult as a sense of belonging to the Empire.
The regress of the city after the 2nd century is well known,82 and the most recent archaeology has confirmed the veracity of the historical sources regarding the partial destruction of Tarraco by the Franks in the AD s. The archaeological research clearly defines this process in the residential and productive areas — the archaeology of everyday life — and captures it in the analysis of the processes of urban contraction and disuse of the roadway network, developed jointly with the waste elimination system and the potable water supply.
They gradually evolved toward the dismantlement of the hippodamus city and the transformation of the urban rituals and sites. In the new late-ancient city, the technological and productive crisis, the disappearance of the local elites and the. This process is more difficult to date in relation to the archaeology of the public spaces, where evidence of architectural preservation does not necessarily imply continuity of the ancient pagan practices.
The monumentality of the late-imperial public architecture would become an element of prestige in the exhausted Hispanic cities, and we are not entirely sure about their processes of functional substitution. In this sense, we should bear in mind the importance of Tarraco and the fact that by the 5th century, the city was the last capital under imperial control on the Peninsula.
For this reason, we should wonder how long the ludi scaenici lasted during the final period of the theatre area. By the 4th cen-. Figure 7. The disappearance of the forum must be related to the crisis in the urban elites and shows how those who remained were no longer organised around the ancient curia or basilica. With regard to the amphitheatre or circus, we do not know for certain until when their respective shows were held. What is more, the decoration of the marble in the amphitheatre dovetailed in time with the elimination of the original service lift installed in the fossae.
Perhaps the munera disappeared in the 4th century as the result of economic crisis, and especially because in the building had become the site of the martyrdom of Bishop Fructuosus and his two deacons. Despite this, the amphitheatre remained intact until the mid-5th century, but we cannot distinguish whether it remained in use as an entertainment venue to host venationes or whether it was a site of Christian worship through a small memoria.
The first Hispanic bishop is documented in Tarraco in the passio Fructuosi, and this was fundamental in the formation of one of the most important tumulationes ad sanctos in the western Mediterranean, in addition to the construction of a large Christian complex on the outskirts of town, of which today we are aware of two basilicas and numerous buildings with privileged, extraordinarily richly decorated tombs, such as those covered with mosaic and the series of important sarcophaguses Fig.
Siricii papae ad Himerium episcopum Tarraconensem. This document sheds light on the metropolitan role of the bishop of. Tarraco with regard to the other Hispanic churches. However, while we do have clear historical evidence of the first episcopacy in the city, mentioned in the correspondence between Saint Augustine and Consencius in , we do not have any archaeological proof. By the 5th century, Tarraco was a fully Christian city and had consummated the transformation of the previous urban model. This twofold nature was consolidated by urbanistically absorbing its central part, while an extensive port sector remained active and the central area of the upper grounds, the former concilium Prouinciae, was gradually privatised.
That did not happen to the circus, which remained unaltered until the last quarter of the century, just after the city was occupied by the Visigoths. We have been unable to determine the fate of the Temple of Augustus and the entire two-hectare sacred enclosure during this period. Within this context, a new architecture of power emerged that restricted the most important constructions to the new urban elites, and the disappearance of the municipality was offset by the emerging power of the Church, defining a new collective expressiveness that entailed the disappearance of the old squares or fora and the establishment of the ecclessiae as the ceremonial epicentres.
Once the Roman administration had vanished and the Church power had settled in, there were no limitations to an urban transformation that led to a visible hierarchy that has remained in place until today. The temenos of the imperial cult built during the Flavian period was deconsecrated in the second quarter of the 5th century, a time when numerous urban waste dumps have been documented, although no evidence of the destruction of the Temple of Augustus has been found.
The main transformation took place, just like in the circus, at the end of the 5th or beginning of the 6th century. The latest excavations performed inside the mediaeval cathedral 88 show how the temple of the imperial cult was totally demolished during this period at a date near the construction of a series of monumental halls nearby.
Deposits of waste with a great deal of marble debris have been found near it, the outcome of the expert officinae marmorariae who dismantled the architectural decorations, revealing the permanent disappearance of Roman art in view of the Christianisation of society in the Visigothic era. The portico around the perimeter of the Flavian temenos was dismantled, but the wall of its peribolus was not and instead became a core feature of the new urban design. On the northeast corner of the square, an important complex has been documented consisting of at least three halls whose construction yielded a new entrance to the square.
We believe that there is no clear archaeological evidence leading to a precise identification — church halls or alternatively palatium of the Visigothic comes — but its construction shows a skilfully planned overall temple-building programme, and the hypothesis of a second church area located a little over 30 metres away with a funerary area in the middle is highly likely. With the arrival of Islam, the city lost the scant geostrategic value it still had in the organisational model of Visigothic Hispania, whose epicentre was in Toledo.
The surging importance of Barcino acted as a counterweight to the ancient Roman provincial capital, such that with the disappearance of the Visigothic organisation and that of its Church, Tarraco or Tarracona witnessed the end of the chances of survival of a common urban project. However, this does not discount the problems inherent in managing and preserving the heritage of a city with , inhabitants which is the capital of the second largest metropolitan area in Catalonia.
Even today, this research and dissemination is conducted in the absence of a single coordinating unit. Josep M. In: Rafael Hidalgo ed. La ciudad dentro de la ciudad. Seville , pp. This is an area measuring approximately 4, km 2 where numerous studies have been conducted focusing on the architecture and historical evolution of rural settlements, as well as the patterns of economic exploitation and territorial organisational based on the cadastral and roadway networks.
In this process, we would like to highlight the work by Josep M.
This volume offers the first exhaustive compilation of the archaeological documentation on the city based on a geographic information system GIS , and it provides the scientific groundwork to update subsequent archaeological discoveries by inserting them into the current cadastre. Henceforth, we shall cite the information from this compendium as PAT-file no. What is more, it provides the information needed to create the large reconstructed model of the city, a municipal project which recreates the Roman city from the early 2nd century AD on a scale of see Figure 1.
Arquitectura y urbanismo de una capital provincial romana. Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. See note Las provincias hispanas en el mundo ro-. In: Jane de R. Evans ed. A Companion to the Archaeology of the Roman Republic. Wiley-Blackwell, Chichester, , pp. Likewise the synthesis by Josep A. In: Pilar Sada and Daniel Cazes coord. Toulouse , pp. Hibera in terra miles. However, this hypothesis is still uncertain. I, op. These authors estimate a city which occupied ten hectares, but this is based on isolated archaeological data located at different orographic levels which may correspond to a port establishment more than reflect a specific part of the city.
Isabel Panosa. De Kese a Tarraco. Isabel Panosa, De Kese Generalitat de Catalunya, Barcelona , pp. Mainz, Toledo , pp. Regarding the historical evolution of the monument and its influence on the urban structure of the contemporary city, see Joan J. La muralla de Tarragona. For the relief of Minerva,.
Madrider Mitteilungen, no. Universitat de Barcelona, Barcelona , pp. Hibera in terra miles David Hourcade. La guerre et ses traces. Ausonius, Bordeaux , pp. Macias and Imma Teixell. Tarragona , pp. This urban planning process has been dated from the late 2nd century BC. I, pp. In: Ager Tarraconensis 1. In: Pilar Sada dir. Exhibition catalogue. MNAT, Tarragona , pp. Hauschild Tarragona In: Desiderio Vaquerizo and Juan F. Murillo ed. El concepto de lo provincial en el mundo antiguo. Simulacra Romae, Roma y las capitales provinciales del Occidente Europeo. Ignacio Fiz and Josep M. In: Josep M.
Macias ed. Carrer de Sant Miquel de Tarragona. In: A. Figueiredo and G. Velho ed. The World is in your Eyes. Tomar , pp. In: Ioan Piso and Rada Varga ed. PAT and ; Ricardo Mar et al. What is more, the timeline of these walls is situated at around the year , much later than the final construction of the wall. Macias et al. PAT, op. On the other hand, the use of georeferencing on the historical map and its later superimposition on archaeological planime-. This is an area that extends between 50 and 80 m over sea level and, depending on ancient information, possible walls of opus siliceum similar to the base of the wall, functional terraces have been hypothesised Joan J.
La muralla de Tarragona Gurt and Josep M. El pasado presente. Universidad de Salamanca, Salamanca , pp. A more recent analysis can be found in Josep M. In: Cristina Corsi and Frank Vermaulen ed. Changing Landscapes. Tarraco porta de Roma. Barcelona , p. In: G. Paci ed. Miscelanea Epigrafica in onore di Lidio Gasperini. Macerata , pp. Tarraco, porta Chiron, no. Tarraco Biennal. Las capitales provinciales de Hispania 3. Tarragona, colonia Iulia Urbs Triumphalis Tarraco. Rome Catalan translation, Tarragona , p. Barcelona , pp.
Kesse, no. Fasti Hispanienses. Wiesbaden , pp. In: Legio VII Paris , pp. Ager Tarraconensis 5. Actes del Simposi Internacional Tarragona Roman Provincial Coinage I. London and Paris , pp. Precinct, Temple, Altar in Roman Spain. Ramallo ed. Murcia , pp. Fora Hispaniae. Paisaje urbano, arquitectura, programas decorativos y culto imperial en los foros de las ciudades hispanorromanas. Ricardo Mar and Patrizio Pensabene. Regarding the debateable location of the altar in front of the temple to Augustus, this was discussed for the first time in Patrizio Pensabene and Ricardo Mar. Archeologia Classica, vol.
Later the issue was revisted in Ricardo Mar and Patrizio Pensabene. Organisation et exploitation des espaces provinciaux. IV e Colloque Aquitania Saintes Bordeaux , pp. Lugo , pp. Segovia , pp. Anas, no. La Iberia prerromana y la Romanidad. Madrid , pp. In: Desiderio Vaquerizo ed. Las capitales provinciales Estudios sobre la Tabula Siarensis. Berlin , pp. Zaragoza , pp. In: Walter Trillmich and Paul Zanker ed. Stadtbild und Ideologie. In: La ciudad en el mundo romano. Rome , pp. In: Actas del Simposio: El teatro en la Hispania romana. Badajoz , pp. In: Termalismo antiguo.
I Congreso Peninsular La Rioja Tarraco Saguntum, no. The findings so far include the decontextualised recovery of a set of terracotta reliefs and antefixes decorated with characteristic motifs from the Augustan era. Pisa , pp. Latomus, no. Precinct, Temple Fora Hispaniae Roman Provincial Coinage Macias, Joan J. Praesidivm, Templvm et Ecclesia. Tarragona, Regarding the costs of crafting the marble materials, see Ricardo Mar and Patrizio Pensabene.
Puche, Josep M. Macias and Ignazio Fiz. Klio, no. Les inscripcions romanes, Tarrgona Flamines Provinciae Hispaniae Citerioris. In: Francisco Javier Navarro ed. Pamplona , pp. Culto Imperial Scripta manent. MAC, Barcelona , p. In: Unidad y pluralidad en el mundo antiguo. Scripta manent Valladolid , pp. Hispania romana Fasti Hispanienses, op. Legio VII Gemina Les Belles Lettres, Paris , pp. Please login and go to your personal user account to enter your access token. Have Institutional Access? Forgot your password? PDF Preview.
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